NOTE (P). P. 217.

ACCORDING to Mr. Gordon, the language of the military members of parliament, was, in substance, as follows:—

'The Americans are neither soldiers, nor never can be made so, being naturally of a pusillanimous disposition, and utterly incapable of any sort of order or discipline; and by their laziness, uncleanliness, and radical defect of constitution, they are disabled from going through the service of a campaign, but will melt away with sickness, before they can face an enemy; so that a slight force will be more than sufficient for their reduction.'

NOTE (Q). P. 220.

SOME of our countrymen have recently moved what appears to us an idle question, whether Massachusetts or Virginia, Mr. Otis, or Mr. Henry, first commenced the revolution? Mr. Jefferson has been quoted as saying, 'that Mr. Henry certainly gave the first impulse to the ball;' but he has since written to a gentleman in Boston, that if he ever used such an expression, he was speaking with a particular reference to Virginia; and Mr. John Adams asserts, on the other hand, that, while Mr. Henry is confessed to have come forward, for the first time, in 1765, Mr. Otis, the champion of Massachusetts, had infused the spirit into his own townsmen, nearly four years before. In November, 1760, says he, the officers of the customs received an order in council, requiring them to carry into execution the

acts of trade; and to apply to the supreme judicature for writs of assistants to search all places, in which goods were supposed to be secreted, and to seize all goods, upon which the duties had not been paid. The court doubted the legality of such writs; and appointed the next February term, to hear arguments upon the subject. The merchants applied to Mr. Otis; and tendered him with fees. He promised to argue the question; but would take none of their fees.

'Mr. Otis,' continues Mr. Adams, 'resigned his commission from the crown, as advocate-general, arf office very lucrative at that time, and a sure road to the highest favours of the government in America, and engaged in the cause of his country without fee or reward. His argument, speech, discourse, oration, harangue-call it by which name you will, was the most impressive upon his crowded audience of any that I have ever heard before or since, excepting only many speeches by himself in Fenuil Hall, and in the house of representatives, which he made from time to time, for ten years afterwards. There were no stenographers in those days. Speeches were not printed, and all that was not remembered, like the harangues of Indian orators, was lost in air. Who, at the distance of fifty-seven years, would attempt, upon memory, to give even a sketch of it? Some of the heads are remembered, out of which Livy or Sallust would not scruple to compose an oration for history. I shall not essay an analysis or a sketch of it at present. I shall only say, and I do say, in the most solemn manner, that Mr. Otis' oration, against writs of assistance, breathed into this nation the breath of life.'

This may be true in one sense; but we cannot think it is in all its extent; and the subsequent language of the same gentle

man is much more rational in itself, and somewhat inconsistent with that, which he holds here. What,' he asks,' do you mean by the American revolution? Do you mean the American war? The revolution was effected before the war commenced. The revolution was in the minds and hearts of the people: a change in their religious sentiments, of their duties and obligations.' And, in another place, this radical change,' says he, in the principles, opinions, sentiments, and affections of the people, was the real American revolution.' In confirmation of the same idea, we quote the equally pointed and eloquent language of Mr. Jefferson. I suppose,' says he, it would be difficult to trace our revolution to its first embryo. We do not know how long it was hatching in the British cabinet before she ventured to make the first of the experiments which were to develop it in the end, and to produce complete parliamentary supremacy. Those you mention in Massachusetts as preceding the stamp-act, might be the first visible symptoms of that design. The proposition of that act in 1754 was the first here. Your opposition therefore preceded ours, as occasion was sooner given there than here. And the truth, I suppose, is, that the opposition in every colony began, whenever the encroachment was presented to it. The question of priority is as the enquiry would be, who first, of the three hundred Spartans, first offered his name to Leonidas?'

The reader will be amused to see what may be called the seminal state, and incipient progress of the revolution; and we have extracted from the Pennsylvania Gazette, then published by Franklin, the series of paragraphs on this subject, from the first rumour of an intention to tax the colonies, to the time when the spirit of resistance broke into acts of rebellion. The first

news was vague and exaggerated; and the colonists received it without any strong expressions of displeasure. But their murmurs became gradually more loud and distinct; till, at length, not satisfied with murmurs, they resorted to violence.

'BOSTON, April 6, 1764.

'Other advices from London are, that the trade between the West Indies and North America, as also the revenues of the latter, are now under consideration. The duties on molasses, sugars, &c. imported into his majesty's plantations from the French, Spanish and Dutch settlements in the West Indies, but chiefly from the former, it is said, would be determined by the latter end of February last. Various are the conjectures as to this affair; by some it is said that a low duty will be laid on foreign molasses, one or two pennies per gallon, it is thought, is as much as it will bear; that there will be a duty of ten shillings per hundred weight on foreign sugars; a very large duty, or total prohibition of French rum. It is also said a duty will be laid on tea, on wine and fruit from Spain and Portugal, imported into the plantations. It is said that the duty on whalebone, exported from the colonies of Great Britain, will be taken off. It is said a premium is likely to be granted on hemp, raised in and imported from North America.

'PHILADELPHIA, May 8.

'Our advices by the packet are, that a scheme of taxation of the American colonies has for some time been in agitation: That it had been previously debated in parliament, whether they had power to lay such a tax on colonies which had no representatives in parliament, and determined in the affirmative: That on the 9th of March, Mr. - made a long harangue on the melancholy state of the nation, overloaded with heavy taxes, and a debt of one hundred and forty-six millions, fifty-two millions of which had arisen within the four last years: That by a computation, which he laid before the house, three hundred and sixty thousand pounds sterling per annum were expended in North America, and therefore it was but reasonable they should support the troops, sent over for their defence, and all the other expenses of the nation, on their account. To raise this sum, he proposed that the drawbacks on the re-exportation of particular goods should be discontinued; that a duty should be laid on East India goods; a duty of seven pounds sterling per ton on all wines from Madeira, &c.; a duty of three pence per gallon on foreign molasses, of ten shillings per hundred on sugars; a high duty on coffee, cocoa, &c., and that rum should be wholly prohibited; that wines from Spain, Portugal, &c. first landed in England, before sent to America, should have the duty drawn back. Besides this, an internal tax was proposed, a stamp-duty, &c.; but, many members warmly opposing it, this was deferred till next session; but it was feared that the tax upon foreign goods would pass into a law this session; that these colonies are under great disadvantages, in not having sufficient interest in parliament; from the want of which, the West Indies have been able to carry any point against them-only that Mr. Allen, of this place, was indefatigable, in remonstrating to many of the members, with whom he was acquainted, on the illegality of an internal tax, and had considerable influence in preventing it.”

Rr

'BOSTON, May 14. 'We hear, that the consideration of the duties, proposed to be laid on goods imported into the colonies, is postponed to the next session. The merchants trading to America, having joined with the respective agents, and greatly interested themselves in the above affair.'

'BOSTON, May 17.

'By letters from London, we find that the merchants trading this way have greatly interested themselves in our American affairs. They write that our agent, Mr. Mauduit, has been indefatigable in his labours on this occasion; but they fear that all their endeavours will fall short of the success they hoped for; that divers affairs, it is added, are now in agitation in the parliament, which will affect the interest of the colonies, against which, we are assured, the endeavours of our friends at home will be continued to the last.'

'NEW YORK, August 20.

'It is with pleasure we hear some of the principal merchants in Boston have come into a resolution to curtail many superfluities in dress; and that upwards of fifty have already signed a certain agreement for that purpose. Lace, ruffles, &c. are to be entirely laid aside : no English cloths to be purchased, but at a fixed price; the usual manner of expressing their regard and sorrow for a deceased friend or relative, by covering themselves in black, is also in the list of superfluities, and no part thereof but the crape on the hat is retained; instead of which, a crape is to be tied on the arm, after the manner of the military gentlemen.'

'NEW YORK, October 1.

Extract of a letter from England, dated July 17, 1764.

There have been several things before our house of commons, very pernicious to America; some have been dropped, some pursued, and some depending. The report of your gaiety and luxury has reached your mother country; and they infer from thence your opulence, which is further confirmed by the extravagant expenses of your youth, sent here for education; and therefore you are well able to bear a part of the expenses your defence has cost the nation: and can you blame them for such a conclusion? Is it not natural to infer it from the premises?'

'TO THE PUBLICK.

'February 7, 1765.

At a time when America esteems herself in danger of having her trade injured by restrictions, and trembles at the report of internal taxes, which are esteemed unconstitutional, to be raised on the colonies, &c.

'BOSTON, April 4.

'Besides the articles from the London papers, we have seen the resolves of the house of commons, respecting the stamp duty on the colonies, fifty-five in number; a terrible string.

'It is said, that the following observation was made by a member on the hardship of the above mentioned resolve, viz. That where the colonies