in Cilicia; and the other generals of Antigonus had the same success against those of Ptolemy, who did not command this expedition in person. Cyprus was now the only territory where Ptolemy preserved his conquests; for when he had caused Nicocles king of Paphos to suffer death, he entirely crushed the party of Antigonus in that island.

* In order to obtain some compensation for what he had lost in Cilicia, he invaded Pamphylia, Lycia, and some other provinces of Asia Minor, where he took several places from Antigonus.

He then sailed into the Egean sea, and made himself master of the isle of Andros; after which he took Sicyon, Corinth, and some other cities.

During his continuance in those parts, he formed an intimate correspondence with Cleopatra, the sister of Alexander, who had espoused Alexander king of Epirus, and at whose nuptials Philip had been assassinated. This princess, after the death of her consort, who was slain in the wars of Italy, had continued in a state of widowhood, and, for several years, had resided at Sardis in Lydia; but as Antigonus, who was master of that city, did not treat her with any extraordinary respect, Ptolemy made an artful improvement of her discontent, in order to gain her over to his interest. With this intention, he invited her to an interview in hopes of deriving, from her presence, some advantages against Antigonus. The princess had already set out, but the governor of Sardis, caused her to be stopped, and immediately brought back, by the command of Antigo

Diod. I. xx. p. 766.

A. M. 3696. Ant. J. C. 308. Diod. 1. xx. p. 774,.775.

nus, and then secretly destroyed her. Antigonus, soon after this event, came to Sardis, where he ordered all the women who had been instrumental in her murder to be proceeded against.

We may here behold with admiration, how heavily the arm of the Almighty fell upon all the race of Alexander, and with what severity it pursued the small remains of his family, and all those who had the misfortune to be any way related to that famous conqueror, whose favour was ardently courted by all the world a few years before. A fatal curse consumed his whole family, and avenged upon it all the acts of violence which had been committed by that prince. God even used the ministration of his courtiers, officers and do. mestics, to render the severity of his judgments visible to all mankind, who, by these means, received some kind of reparation for the calamities they had suffered from Alexander.

Antigonus, though he was the minister of the Deity, in the execution of his just decrees, was not the less criminal on that account, because he only acted from motives of ambition and cruelty, which, in the event, filled him with all imaginable horror, and which he wished he could be capable of concealing from the observation of mankind. He celebrated the funeral of Cleopatra with extraordinary magnificence, hoping, by this plausible exterior, to dazzle the eyes of the public, and avoid the hatred due to so black a crime. But so deep a strain of hypocrisy as this usually discovers the crime it labours to conceal, and only increases the just horror the world generally entertains for those who have committed it.

This barbarous and unmanly action was not the only one that Antigonus committed. Seleucus and Ptolemy raised the superstructure of their power on the clemency and justice with which they governed their people; and, by these expedients, established lasting empires, which continued in their families for several generations: but the character of Antigonus was of a different cast. It was a maxim with him, to remove all obstacles to his designs, without the least regard to justice or humanity; in consequence of which, when that brutal and tyrannical force, by which alone he had supported himself, came to fail him, he lost both life and empire.

Ptolemy, with all the wisdom and moderation of his government, was not secure from revolts. The treachery of Ophellas, governor of Lybia and Cyrenaica, who formed an insurrection much about this time, gave him a just inquietude, but it happened very fortunately to be attended with no sinister effect. This officer had served first under Alexander, and, after the death of that prince, had embraced the interest of Ptolemy, whom he followed into Egypt. Ptolemy intrusted him with the command of the army, which was intended for the reduction of Lybia and Cyrenaica, provinces that had been allotted to him, as well as Egypt and Arabia, in the partition of the empire. When those two provinces were subdued, Ptolemy conferred the government of them upon Ophellas, who, when he was sensible that this prince was too much engaged with Antigonus and Demetrius, to give him any apprehensions, had rendered himself independent, and con

tinued for that year in the peaceable enjoyment of his usurpation.

Agathocles, king of Sicily, having marched into Africa to attack the Carthaginians, endeavoured to engage Ophellas in his interest, and promised to assist him in the conquest of all Africa for himself. Ophellas, won by so grateful a proposal, joined Agathocles with an army of twenty thousand men in the Carthaginian territories; but he had scarce arrived there, before the perfidious wretch, who had drawn him thither, caused him to be slain, and kept his army in his own service. The history of the Carthaginians will inform the reader, in what manner this black instance of treachery succeeded. Ptolemy, upon the death of Ophellas, recovered Lybia, and Cyrenaica. The wife of the latter was an Athenian lady of uncommon beauty; her name was Eurydice, and she was descended from Miltiades. After the death of her husband, she returned to Athens where Demetrius saw her the following year and espoused her.

SECTION VII.

DEMETRIUS, THE SON OF ANTIGONUS, BESIEGES AND TAKES ATHENS. THE CONSEQUENCES WHICH FOLLOW.

ANTIGONUS and Demetrius had formed a design to restore liberty to all Greece, which was kept in a kind of slavery, by Cassander, Ptolemy, and Polysperchon. These confederate princes, in order to subject

i A. M. 3698. Ant. J. C. 306. Plut. in Demotr. p. 892-894. VOL. 5.

67

the Greeks, had judged it expedient to establish aristocracy in all the cities they conquered. This is the gov ernment of the rich and powerful, and corresponds, the most of any, with regal authority. Antigonus, to engage the people in his interest, had recourse to a contrary method, by substituting a democracy, which more effectually soothed the inclination of the Greeks, by lodging the power in the hands of the people. This conduct was a renovation of the policy which had been so frequently employed against the Lacedemonians, by the Athenians and Persians, that had always succeeded; and it was impossible for it to be ineffectual in this conjuncture, if supported by a good army. Antigonus could not enter upon his measures in a better manner, than by opening the scene with the signal of democratic liberty in Athens; which was not only the most jealous, but was likewise at the head of all the other republics.

When the siege of Athens had been resolved upon, Antigonus was told by one of his friends, that if he should happen to take that city, he ought to keep it for himself, as the key of all Greece; but he entirely rejected that proposal, and replied, "that the best and strongest key which he knew, was the friendship of the people; and that Athens being in a manner the light by which all the world steered, would not fail to spread universally the glory of his actions." It is very surprising to see in what manner princes who are very unjust and self interested, can sometimes borrow the language of equity and generosity, and are solicitous of doing themselves honour by assuming the appearance of virtues, to which, in reality, they are utter strangers.