it was in historical statement, illogical as it was in deduction from false premises, was yet epigrammatical and rhetorical. It struck the Northern mind just as its conservative elements were ready to yield to the wave of what they considered the patriotic purpose of preserving the Union. The president's address came like a toast to the Union, and like a brilliant toast, it banished reflection and hesitation. It had the same effect as Andrew Jackson's magnetic toast: "The Federal Union: It must and shall be preserved." The Confederate States received it with indignation and defiance. It meant coercion and invasion. It could mean nothing else. They were not deceived by the peroration, nor by any statement of forbearance. It pronounced their acts and ordinances void. It expressed the purpose to execute the laws in all the States. It expressly said: "The power confided in me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the government, and to collect the duties and imposts." Could the Confederate government permit the United States to "hold, occupy, and possess" their forts, arsenals, or any other property, or to collect duties and imposts within the limits. of the Confederacy? How could they permit this without an absolute surrender of all the rights which they asserted? Claiming to be a government foreign to the United States, they had sent commissioners to Washington to sue for peace and the peaceable adjustment of all questions of property or claim. This commission had been ignored by Buchanan, and President Lincoln now announced his purpose to hold, occupy, and possess the property in dispute and to collect the customs and taxes in their territory. They were using every means to maintain peace. No one doubted or could doubt their sincere desire for peace. What, then, could the president mean by saying: "In your hands, my dissatisfied countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war?" It meant: "There is no way for you to avoid civil war except by submission." They were in no temper for submission. Every consideration of manhood forbade

it, and they were bound by a bond similar to that set forth in the president's pathetic averment of the oath which he had "registered in heaven to preserve, protect, and defend" the government of the United States, for every officer of the Confederacy likewise had an oath registered in heaven to preserve, protect, and defend the Confederate government. The Border States received the address with sorrow and anxiety. It extinguished the last hope that they had entertained of compromise or peace. They must now choose on which side to array themselves in the conflict. The action of Virginia, North Carolina, Arkansas, and Tennessee could not be doubted. Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri were much divided in sentiment, and their location exposed them to peculiar restraints. The Southern sentiment with regard to them is exquisitely portrayed in the beautiful song Maryland! my Maryland! which was written a little later. Kentucky was allied by blood, sympathy, and common interest with the slaveholding States. Missouri had been the occasion of the first agitation of the slavery question. The South had rallied to her support, and secured her admission as a State. Her citizens ought to understand States Rights, and ought to remember the battles which the South had waged for their State. There is no doubt that it was the purpose of the Border States to act together.

As to the constitutional arguments of the president's address, the Border States, except Missouri and Kentucky, utterly neglected them. On these latter States some effect was produced. The people of all the other Border States read them closely and analyzed them thoroughly. They readily detected the historical errors, and the sophisms in argument. They saw the ambiguity in the use of the word "Union." In the sense of friendly relations, the Union was older than the States, and was instituted by the colonies. In the sense of an established government the Union was older than the Constitution, but not much older, as the president stated. It was not so old as the States, which created it. If there was any Union, in the sense of an

established government, created by the Declaration of Independence, the people and States of 1776 were not aware of it; because they devoted much time and effort to create a Union, or Federal government, and took five years to do it.

Virginia knew that its convention which met at Williamsburg, May 5, 1776, passed a resolution, May 15th, as follows:

"Resolved, unanimously, That the delegates appointed to represent this colony in General Congress be instructed to propose to that respectable body to declare the United Colonies free and independent States, absolved from all allegiance to, or dependence upon the crown or Parliament of Great Britain, and that they give the assent of this colony to such declaration and to whatever measures may be thought proper and necessary by Congress, for forming foreign alliances, and a confederation of the colonies, at such time and in the manner as to them shall seem best; Provided, that the power of forming Government for, and the regulation of the internal concerns of each colony be left to the respective colonial legislatures."

It further knew that in obedience to these instructions, Richard Henry Lee offered the following resolutions in Congress, June 7, 1776:

"That these United Colonies are and of right ought to be, free and independent States; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved.

"That it is expedient forthwith to take the most effectual measures for forming foreign alliances.

"That a plan of confederation be prepared and transmitted to the respective colonies for their consideration."

Virginia further knew that the motion of its delegates was adopted July 2, 1776. Thus, preparations were begun for confederation on the same day that independence was decided on. It further knew that on account of jealousies and disagreements the Articles of Confederation were not

adopted by Congress until November 15, 1777, and were then referred to the States for ratification or rejection, not to go into effect until ratified by all the States. The delegates of all the States had on July 9, 1778, signed in ratification, except New Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland. Maryland could testify that it instructed its delegates to vote against all the propositions of Virginia, and to seek reconciliation with Great Britain. It could further testify that after it consented to independence it still refused for nearly five years to consent to confederation, and did not ratify the articles until March 1, 1781, on which day the Union of these States was begun, going into effect with the ratification of the last State, Maryland.

President Lincoln was, therefore, mistaken when he said. that the faith of all the thirteen States was plighted to the confederation in 1778. His argument seemed to be that the Union was perpetual because it was older than the Constitution, or the Articles of Confederation. Suppose it was older, how did that prove that it was perpetual? He did not attempt to show, and could not show. He simply aimed to throw it back beyond the debatable period. He then attempted to show that the Articles of Confederation declared it perpetual in 1778. It is true that the Articles of Confederation did declare it perpetual in 1781, when that instrument was completed by the ratification of all the States. It is equally true that this instrument was annulled and superseded by the Constitution in which the word "perpetual" is conspicuously absent. On this point North. Carolina could testify, and could call in the testimony of Rhode Island. The Constitutional Convention provided that the Constitution should go into effect when ratified by nine States. It actually went into effect with eleven States. North Carolina and Rhode Island were left "outside." With this action of eleven States forming themselves into another government, exit the "perpetuity" of the Union. under the agreement which provided that: "the Articles of this Confederation shall be inviolably observed by every

State, and the union shall be perpetual; nor shall any alteration at any time hereafter be made in any of them unless such alteration be agreed to in a congress of the united States, and be afterwards confirmed by the legislatures of every State." Yet here stand North Carolina and Rhode Island testifying that it was broken without their consent, and a new government formed without their consent, and which they refused to join-Rhode Island for two years.

President Lincoln argued that when an association of States is made by contract merely, it cannot be unmade by less than all the parties who made it, but the history of the instrument which he cites to support his arguments shows that the contract of the Confederation was unmade by less than all the parties who made it. But he says that one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution in 1787 was "to form a more perfect Union."

Congresses and conventions do not make constitutions. They can only propose them. Constitutions are not valid until ratified by every State that accedes to them. Such was the case in 1781 and in 1787-1790. For the validity of the instrument we must look, then, to the ratifications of the States. Here Virginia is ready to testify, and to call in the testimony of New York and Rhode Island. These three States, in ratifying the Constitution, expressly reserved the right to secede. Their ordinances have been quoted in the previous chapter.

Such were the criticisms on the president's address in the Border States. Its fallacies and its historical errors weakened their faith in the entire address. With such sentiments they were now watching the diplomatic movements of the leaders on both sides, each striving to gain a political advantage. It was certain that the Confederate leaders sincerely desired peace, and the Federal leaders intended war, but desired temporary delay, partly for preparations and partly for political effect, and were striving to force the Confederates to begin the conflict.