the official representative of the Confederacy, they were neither armed nor equipped in British waters. All that the South secured from Great Britain was the unarmed vessels. On the other hand, vast shipments of arms and implements of war were being sent by foreign merchants to the North with scarce an effort at concealment. That Great Britain paid for the damage done to Northern shipping by the Confederate cruisers was merely a concession to the victor, and in the interest of commercial peace.

The relation of the State governments to the Confederacy was well defined and not unlike their relation to the government of the United States, save in the more rigidly defined rights retained by them. Yet under the pressing necessities of military law and in view of the paramount duty of the new government to defend itself, these rights were not always conceded. Martial law at the end was supreme. And yet, as compared with the coercion that accompanied the Federal invasion of the South, the Confederate States government was lenient indeed. The Federal policy was marked by invasion and martial law which repressed or suppressed the State government in every invaded State. Missouri and Kentucky were refused the right to remain neutral. A revolutionary State government organized in Missouri was backed by the Federal army, while in Kentucky a reign of terror was instituted to defeat neutrality, and the government of the people overthrown. Martial law prevailed in Maryland and that State was subjugated before its people had an opportunity to speak. In subjugated States military governors were appointed, like Andrew Johnson in Tennessee, who ruled without mercy and with unprecedented severity; their avowed purpose was to punish those who had been independent enough to think for themselves, who had seceded not from the Union that they had originally joined, but from a Union where the Constitution. no longer ruled.

One of the darkest chapters in the history of the war is the record of the treatment of prisoners. The crews

of small vessels operating under letters of marque issued by the Confederacy were captured by the North, tried and convicted as pirates. Their execution was stayed by the assurance of President Davis that he would execute for each man a Federal officer of rank then a prisoner. The exchange of prisoners was hampered and finally suspended by the Federals until popular indignation in the North forced its resumption. The cartel arranged for the exchange of prisoners was often violated, officers and men being confined, sometimes in irons or cells, even when the Federal authorities announced that all Confederate officers had been exchanged. The ground of opposition to the exchange of prisoners was stated by General Grant in a letter to General B. F. Butler under date of August 18, 1864. He says: "It is hard on our men held in Southern prisons not to exchange them, but it is humanity to those left in the ranks to fight our battles. Every man released on parole, or otherwise, becomes an active soldier against us at once, either directly or indirectly. If we commence a system of exchange which liberates all prisoners taken we will have to fight on until the whole South is exterminated. If we hold those caught they amount to no more than dead men. At this particular time, to release all rebel prisoners North would insure Sherman's defeat, and would compromise our safety here." The inference naturally is that Northern prisoners released had enough of fighting and went no more into the army.

The Confederacy was not able to care for its multitude of prisoners-the authorities had not even food and medicines for their armies; but the prisoners received the same rations as the men in the Southern army. Recognizing the fact that the sick among their prisoners were in need of supplies which could not be furnished, Judge Robert C. Ould, the Confederate commissioner for the exchange of prisoners, on January 24, 1863, wrote to General Ē. A. Hitchcock, United States Commissioner of Exchange, proposing that prisoners on each side should be attended by a

proper number of their own surgeons, who should take charge under rules to be agreed upon; that these surgeons should have power to receive and distribute medicine, money, food, and clothing sent the prisoners; that these surgeons should be selected by their own governments with power to report upon their own acts and matters concerning the welfare of the prisoners. The letter was ignored.

The South then offered to release to the United States government their sick and wounded without any equivalent, and did deliver between ten and fifteen thousand at the mouth of Savannah River, of whom five thousand were well men. The United States thereupon delivered to the Confederacy about three thousand sick and wounded, five hundred having died after starting from their northern prisons. The South had offered to surrender the Federal sick and wounded in the summer; they were not sent for until November.

But despite the vast differences between the resources and wealth of the North and of the South, and despite the hard conditions which lay upon the South, the northern prisons were more fatal than those of the South. During the war 22,576 out of a total of 270,000 prisoners died in the hands of the Confederates; in the northern prisons 26,246 Southern soldiers died, out of a total of 220,000 held prisoners. The report of the secretary of war, E. M. Stanton, July 19, 1866, shows the number that died; the official report of Surgeon-general Barnes of the United States army shows the number of prisoners on both sides. By their figures the death rate was more than twelve per cent in the northern prisons and less than nine per cent in the prisons of the South.

The war between the States was a great object lesson to the world, for it revealed the great power and resources of the United States, both North and South. It paved the way to make the United States a world power. It was characteristic of the people of the South that they accepted the result of the contest in good faith. The surrender was

followed by no insurrections, by no guerrilla warfare, but when the South laid down its arms, the Southern people turned from war to the arts of peace once more-a proof as strong as could be given of the innate confidence of Southern men in American institutions. Utterly exhausted and without resources, the remnants of the defeated army returned to their ruined homes and took up the stupendous task of creating them anew. The whole industrial system was deranged by the abolition of slavery, and immense properties had been swept away without compensation. Yet, unflinchingly, turning their eyes to the time to come, those who had fought as Confederate soldiers took up the labor of carving from their defeat a success grander than any other country has yet achieved from victory.

APPENDIX I

CONSTITUTION OF The confedeRATE STATES

OF AMERICA

WE, the people of the Confederate States, each State acting in its sovereign and independent character, in order to form a permanent federal government, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity-invoking the favor and guidance of Almighty God-do ordain and establish this Constitution for the Confederate States of America.

ARTICLE I.

SEC. 1. All legislative powers herein delegated shall be vested in a Congress of the Confederate States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.

SEC. 2. (1) The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States; and the electors in each State shall be citizens of the Confederate States, and have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislature; but no person of foreign birth, not a citizen of the Confederate States, shall be allowed to vote for any officer, civil or political, State or Federal.

(2) No person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained the age of twenty-five years, and be a citizen of the Confederate States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen.