THE INTEREST OF ENGLAND STATED. TO have a thorough sense of our present Sufferings, nd a certain knowledge of the inevitable ruine, which ur divisions (if not composed) will bring upon the Publick; as it is a matter of little difficulty in its self, o (is it) of very inconsiderable use. That which would be more behoveful, were to find-out an Expedient, for he alleviating the ills we now feel, and the prevention of those we fear; both of which, having been by several means, during a long tract of time, in vain at. empted, the case is now by many given-over, as incurable. But, upon serious Consideration, it appears, that not the Malignity of our Disease has occasioned those miscarriages, but the ill application of remedies has done it. In particular, that men have not either desired to know, or to remove, the distempers of the Publick, but laboured to throw-off their single and immediate pressures, and, to that end, endeavoured to advance the party they adhered-to, and to beat-down all others; whereby it came-about, that Divisions, instead of Composure, have still grown wider; and passionate Hates, instead of being allayed, have risen higher, and been more exasperated. But, it being certain, that the real good of the Nation, consists not in the private benefit of single Men, but the advantage of the Publick; and that is made-up, not by the Welfare of any one Party, but of all; 'tis evident, that the only means to procure the general good, must be commensurate unto the whole Community; looking upon all persons, not as Heads, or Partisans, of any private Faction or Interest, but as Members of the Nation; and the pretentions 2x2 A view of the de Parties in the Na tentions of single Men, or Parties, however numerous, are only so far forth to be pursued, as they advance the other general Interest. Which being laid-down as evident and certain truth, the next consideration will be, what are the Interests of all the several Parties of the Nation now on foot, and what the Publick Interest is; that so discovery may be made how consistent the private aims are, both among themselves, and with the general: and also how possible it is to find-out an Expe dient, for the atchievement of the common good. If we take a view of the several pretensións, carriedsigns of the different on in the Nation apart, we shall find the most considerable to be, the Roman-Catholick, the Royalist, the Presbyterian, the Anabaptist, the Army, the Protectorian, and that of the Parliament. tion. 1. 'Tis the Roman-Catholick's aim not only to abrogate the Penal Laws, and become capable of all employments in the Common-wealth; but to introduce his Religion, to restore the Rights of the Church, and utterly eradicate all that he esteems Heresie. 2. 'Tis the Royalist's desire to bring-in the King as a Conquerour, to recover their losses in the late War, be rendered capable of civil employments, and have the for mer Government of the Church. 3. 'Tis the Presbyterian's desire to set-up his disci pline, to have the Covenant re-inforced, and only such as take it, to be employed in Church or State; to be indemnified in reference to what they have done, and secured of what they possess. 4. 'Tis the wish of the Baptized Churches, that there might be no Ecclesiastical Government of any kind, nor Ministerial function, or provision for it; and that onely persons so minded, should be capable of employ ment; likewise to be indempnified for what they had done. 5. 'Tis the aim of the Army, to govern the Nation, to keep themselves from being disbanded, or engaged in war, to secure their pay, and to be indempnified for all past action. 6. 'Tis the desire of the Family of the late Protector to establish the Heir of his House, that they may rule le him, and he the Nation, and so both preserve and ivance themselves. 7. 'Tis the wish of the present Parliament, (as far they have one common design) to continue them Ives in absolute power, by the specious name of a >pular Government; to new-nodel and divide, and, last, take-down, the Army; and, finally, under the retence of a Committee of Parliament, or Council of tate, set-up an Oligarchy, resembling that of the thir y Tyrants in Athens. Lastly, 'Tis the general Interest of the Nation to esablish the ancient fundamental Laws, upon which very one's propriety and liberty are built, to settle Reigion, to procure a general indemnity for all actions ast, to revive their languishing and almost dead trade, ain an alliance with our neighbour States; to put the Government in such hands, as, besides present force, an plead a legal title to it; into the hands of such with whose private interest that of the publick not only consists, but in which 'tis necessarily involved; which ikewise does least contradict the aims of particular parties. Lastly, the hands of such, whose counsel is it to direct in matters of deliberation, and courage fit o vindicate the injuries of the Nation. The Roman-Catho Having impartially proposed the several Interests that each Party designs to itself, we come now to consider how far they are attainable; or, if attained, how consistent with the publick benefit; next, how consistent with that of all other parties respectively; and, in fine, how productive of the real benefit of themselves. First, as to the Roman-Catholick pretensions of restoring to the Pope his ancient revenue and jurisdic- lick Party. tion, and to the Church all that was alienated in Henry the Eighth's time, 'tis no way feizable; the Perquisites of the See of Rome, and the payments to the Pope, being greater than our Contributions so much complained-of; and the impossibility of restitution of Church-Lands is plain from what was done in Queen Marie's days, when the greatest zealots for that profes sion chose rather to throw their Beads into the fire, than resign their conveyances of Abby-land. Then 2 x 3 as N. B. The Royalist Party. The Presbyterian as to his religion, 'tis visibly the ruine of all other parties; Queen Marie's reformation by fire and faggot, with all the terrors of the Inquisition, being inseparable attendants on it. Now, the bulk of the Nation being possest of the usage they should have from the Roman Catholicks if they prevailed, besides all other Antipathies deeply radicated in the minds of far the greatest part of the Nation: it is morally impossible it should ever be introduced without a foreign force of such strength as to make an absolute conquest; which would involve the whole Nation, and the Pa pists themselves, in one common ruine: The sword not distinguishing the Catholick from the Heretick; and having onely this kindness for its friends, to send them speedily to Heaven, when the others were designed for Hell; and this the Catholicks were sensible of in the invasion of 88, assuring the Queen of as great fidelity as she could expect from any of her Protestant Subjects. 7 Secondly, the Royalist pretension of having the King an absolute Conqueror, as it would destroy the Inte rests of all parties that have appeared against him or his Father, would infringe the liberties of the English Subjects in general, and in fine, oppress the Cavalier himself. Besides, it is no way attainable by that party, being inconsiderable both in number and warlike preparations to the rest yet farther, should he so prevail, the looking-back for restitution of all damages past in so many years, were utterly against his Interest, and would forfeit the most absolute victory: no power being retained by violence, however acquired thereby. And in those terms of difficulty, the setting-up the pri mitive Government of the Church, at least in its full height, against so great a multitude of eager Dissenters, according to probability will not stand." Thirdly, the Presbyterian aim of setting-up his Discipline, has the former inconveniences, with the addition of some others; for, besides that its rise must be the overthrow of all other parties, which are more The very words of a Spanish Frier, when demanded what they would do with the English Catholicks in 1588. considerable |