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the proceedings of the other. But if on a temporary superiority of the one party, the other is to resort to a scission of the Union, no federal government can ever exist. If to rid ourselves of the present rule of Massachusetts and Connecticut we break the Union, will the evil stop there? Suppose the New England States alone cut off, will our natures be changed? are we not men still to the south of that, and with all the passion of men? Immediately we shall see a Pennsylvania and a Virginia party arise in the residuary confederacy, and the public mind will be distracted with the same party spirit. What a game, too, will the one party have in their hands by eternally threatening the other that unless they do so and so, they will join their Northern neighbors. If we reduce our Union to Virginia and North Carolina, immediately the conflict will be established between the representatives of these two States, and they will end by breaking into their simple units. Seeing, therefore, that an association of men who will not quarrel with one another is a thing which never yet existed, from the greatest confederacy of nations down to a town meeting or a vestry, seeing that we must have somebody to quarrel with, I had rather keep our New England associates for that purpose than to see our bickerings transferred to others. They are circumscribed within such narrow limits, and their population so full, that their numbers will ever be the minority, and they are marked,

like the Jews, with such a peculiarity of charater as to constitute from that circumstance the natural division of our parties. A little patience, and we shall see the reign of witches pass over, their spells dissolve, and the people, recovering their true sight, restore their government to its true principles. It is true that in the meantime we are suffering deeply in spirit, and incurring the horrors of a war and long oppressions of enormous public debt. But who can say what would be the evils of a scission, and when and where they would end. Better keep together as we are, haul off from Europe as soon as we can, and from all attachments to any portions of it. And if we feel their power just sufficiently to hoop us together, it will be the happiest situation in which we can exist. If the game runs sometimes against us at home we must have patience till luck turns, and then we shall have an opportunity of winning back the principles we have lost, for this is a game where principles are the stake. Better luck, therefore, to us all; and health, happiness, and friendly salutations to yourself. Adieu.

P. S. It is hardly necessary to caution you to let nothing of mine get before the public. A single sentence, got hold of by the Porcupines, will suffice to abuse and persecute me in their papers for months.

VOL. XVIII-14

TO THOMAS MANN RANDOLPH.

PHILADELPHIA, January 17, 1799.

I wrote to my dear Martha Dec. 27, and to yourself Jan. 3. I am afraid my nailery will stop from the want of rod. Three tons were sent from hence Dec. II. The vessel was blown off the capes and deserted by the crew. She has been taken up at sea and carried into Albemarle Sound. We are in hopes, however, of getting off another supply from here immediately as the river bids fair to open. The shutting of the river has prevented any tobacco coming here as yet; so nothing is known about price. At New York the new tobacco is thirteen dollars. Georgia has sent a much larger quantiy there than had been expected, and of such a quality as to place it next to the Virginia. It is at eleven dollars while the tobacco of the Carolinas and Maryland are but ten dollars. I suspect that the price will be at its maximum this year. Whether that will be more than thirteen dollrs I do not know, but I think it will. When this city comes into the market, it must greatly increase the demand. We know too that immense sums of cash are gone and going on to Virginia, such as were never before heard of. Every stage is loaded. Some pretend here it is merely to pay for last year's tobacco, but we know that that was in a considerable degree paid for; and I have no doubt that a great part of this money is to purchase the new crop. If I were

offered thirteen dollars in Richmond, perhaps I should take it, for the sake of securing certain objects, but my judgment would condemn it. Wheat here is 1.75Dr. Bache sets out for our neighborhood next month early, having concluded absolutely to settle there. He is now breaking up his house and beginning to pack. Dr. Logan tells me Dupont de Nemours is coming over, and decided to settle in our neighborhood. I always considered him as the ablest man in France. I ordered Bache's

papers for you from Jan. 1I.1 The moment I can get answers from the Postmasters of Charlottesville and Milton to letters I wrote them a fortnight ago, we shall have the error of our mail corrected. It will turn out, I believe, to have taken place here by making up the mail a day too late, which occasioned a loss of a week at Fredericksburg. The bankrupt bill was yesterday rejected in the H. of R. by a majority of three. Logan's law will certainly pass." Nobody mistakes the object of it. The forgery they attempted to palm on the House, of a memo

'The "Aurora," which violently opposed the administration of Washington and Adams, was published by Benjamin Franklin Bache, a grandson of Dr. Franklin.—Eds.

The act here referred to was passed Jan. 30, 1799, and made it a criminal offence, punishable by a fine and imprisonment, for any citizen of the United States, without the permission of his own government, to carry on any verbal or written correspondence or intercourse with any foreign government or its agents in regard to any disputes with the United States. The act was occasioned by some unauthorized communications made to the French government by Dr. George Logan, afterward a Senator of the United States from Pennsylvania. (See Appleton's Cyclopædia of American Biography, vol. iv. p. 4.)— EDS.

rial falsely pretended to have been drawn and presented by Logan, is so completely detected, as to have thrown infamy on the whole proceeding, but a majority will still go through with it. The army and navy are steadily pursued. The former, with our old troops, will make up about 14,000 men, and consequently cost annually seven millions of dollars. The navy will cost annually five and onehalf millions, but as it will not be on foot, no addition to the direct tax will be made at this session, nor perhaps at the next. It is very evident from circumstances that a window tax is intended. A loan for five millions is opened at 8 per cent. The extravagance of the interest will occasion it to fill. This it is supposed will build the navy. Our taxes bring in this year ten and one half-millions clear, and the direct tax will add two millions. According to the principles settled by a (British) majority of the commissioners under the treaty, that demand will be from fifteen to twenty millions of dollars, but there is some reason to suppose our government will not yield to it. In that case they must recur to new negotiations. Notwithstanding the forgeries of London, Vienna, and Constantinople, it is believed that Bonaparte will establish himself in Egypt, and that that is, for the present at least, his ultimate object. Also that the insurrection in Ireland is in force and better organized than before. My warmest love to my dear Martha and the little ones; to yourself affectionate salutations and Adieu.

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