on a long opinion and experience of his merit, as well as conceffions to all their reasonable defires; fo that it is for fome time they have begun to say, and to fetch inftances, where he hath in many things been hardly used. How long thefe humours may laft, (for paffions are momentary, and especially thofe of a multitude) or what confequences they may produce, a little time will difcover. But whenever it comes to pass, that a popular affembly, free from fuch obftructions, and already poffeffed of more power, than an equal balance will allow, fhall continue to think they have not enough, but by cramping the hand that holds the balance, and by impeachments or diffentions with the nobles, endeavour ftill for more; I cannot poffibly fee in the common courfe of things, how the fame caufes can produce different effects and confequences among us, from what they did in Greece and Rome.

VOL. III.

H

THE

THE

SENTIMENTS

OF A

Church of England Man

With respect to

RELIGION and GOVERNMENT.

Written in the Year 1708.

WHOEVER hath examined the conduct and proceedings of both parties for fome years paft, whether in or out of power, cannot well conceive it poffible to go far towards the extremes of either, without offering fome violence to his integrity or understanding. A wife and a good man may indeed be fometimes induced to comply with a number, whose opinion he generally approves, though it

*This appears to be an apology for the Tories, and a juftification of them against the mifreprefentations of the Whigs, who were then in the miniftry, and ufed every artifice to perpetuate their power. Mr. Harley, afterwards lord Oxford, had by the influence

of the duke of Marlborough and lord-treafurer Godolphin, been lately removed from his poft of principal fecretary of ftate; and Mr. St. John, afterwards lord Bolingbroke, refigned his place of fecretary at war, and fir Simon Harcourt that of attorney-general.

be

But this li

be perhaps against his own. berty fhould be made ufe of upon very few occafions, and those of small importance, and then only with a view of bringing over his own fide another time to fomething of greater and more publick moment. But to facrifice the innocency of a friend, the good of our country, or our own confcience, to the humour, or paffion, or intereft of a party, plainly fhews, that either our heads or our hearts are not as they should be: yet this very practice is the very fundamental law of each faction among us, as may be obvious to any, who will impartially and without engagement be at the pains to examine their actions, which however is not so easy a task: for it seems a principle in human nature, to incline one way more than another, even in matters where we are wholly unconcerned. And it is a common obfervation, that in reading a hiftory of facts done a thousand years ago, or ftanding by at play among thofe, who are perfect ftrangers to us, we are apt to find our hopes and wifhes engaged on a fudden in favour of one fide more than H 2 another.

another. No wonder then that we are all fo ready to intereft ourselves in the courfe of publick affairs, where the most inconfiderable have fome real share, and by the wonderful importance which every man is of to himself, a very great imagi

nary one.

And indeed, when the two parties, that divide the whole commonwealth, come once to a rupture, without any hopes left of forming a third with better principles to balance the others, it feems every man's duty to chufe one of the two fides, though he cannot entirely approve of either; and all pretences to neutrality are justly exploded by both, being too ftale and obvious, only intending the fafety and ease of a few individuals, while the publick is embroiled. This was the opinion and practice of the latter Cato, whom I efteem to have been the wifeft and beft of all the Romans *. But before things proceed to open violence, the trueft fervice a private man may hope to do his country, is by unbiaffing his mind as much as pof

One of the fextumvirate in Gulliver. Part III. Chap. VII.

fible, and then endeavouring to moderate between the rival powers, which must needs be owned a fair proceeding with the world, because it is of all others the least confiftent with the common defign of making a fortune by the merit of an opi

nion.

I have gone as far as I am able in qualifying myself to be fuch a moderator: I believe I am no bigot in religion, and I am fure I am none in government. I converfe in full freedom with many confiderable men of both parties; and if not in equal number, it is purely accidental and perfonal, as happening to be near the court, and to have made acquaintance there, more under one ministry than another. Then, I am not under the necefsity of declaring my felf by the profpect of an employment. And lastly, if all this be not fufficient, I induftrioufly conceal my name, which wholly exempts me from any hopes and fears in delivering my opinion.

In confequence of this free ufe of my reafon, I cannot poffibly think fo well or fo ill of either party, as they would endeaH 3

your