plantations in the West Indies, which are already grown formidable to the trading interest of Great Britain in those parts?

But whatever may be the motives to such an extraordinary favor or the consequences of it, I am sure it is the strongest mark of our confidence in France, and such an one as I believe they would not place in us upon any occasion. I will illustrate this by a parallel

case.

The French protestants who fled over hither from a persecution on account of religion never discovered any principles which were incompatible with the civil government of France, nor ever set up any pretender to the present royal family of that kingdom; and yet if we should think fit to form any considerable number of them into complete distinct regiments, to be composed of French protestants only, and commanded by French officers, without any incorporation of British soldiers, I fancy it would give our good allies some umbrage. But I am almost confident that they would never permit us to send over a protestant French officer from every regiment to recruit their respective corps, by dispersing themselves into those provinces where they have the best interest, or suffer a field-officer in English pay to reside constantly in Paris, and exercise a sort of martial law in the capital of their dominions; I say they would hardly suffer this, even though our ambassador should solicit such an order with the utmost application for 20 years together.

And yet the case of the Irish forces is much stronger with respect to us. They do not differ with us only in matters of religion, but hold principles absolutely destructive of our civil government, and are generally looked upon abroad as a standing army kept on foot to serve the pretender upon any occasion.

I must ask a question or two which naturally offer themselves in this place.

What power has this field-officer to exercise during his residence in Dublin? Is the French martial law to take place, if any of these recruits should happen to repent of what they have done, and think fit to desert?

Troops are generally armed as soon as they are listed. Is this rule to be observed in the present case? If so, another question occurs. It has been found necessary for the security of Ireland to restrain all Roman catholics from wearing or keeping any arms in their houses. I ask therefore whether the authority of this license is to supersede the laws of the land? I may go further.

The garrison of Dublin seldom consists of above 800 men for the

duty of the place. Supposing double that number of Popish recruits should be brought thither in order to be viewed by their field-officer, will it be said there is no just apprehension of danger? But as these suggestions may appear to be founded on the infidelity of France (a case not to be supposed at present) I press them no further.

I must however repeat it, that this order is the fullest demonstration of the confidence we repose in them; and I hope they will scorn to make any bad use of it; but if it were possible to suspect that they could have any design to play the knave with us, they could not wish for a better opportunity to promote it than by such a power as is now said to be put into their hands.

I hope my remarks on this article of news will not be construed in a jacobite sense, even by the most prostitute scribblers of the present times; but I must beg leave to expostulate a little with the public on that mean, infamous practice which these writers have lately used in explaining some of my papers into treasonable libels, taking an occasion from hence to appear formally in defence of the throne, and laying it down as a point granted that there is an actual concerted design of setting aside the present establishment. This is a practice which may be of great service to the real enemies of the present government; and every jacobite in the kingdom may make use of it to publish the most explicit invectives on the king and his government, under the pretence of interpreting the implicit design of other writings. It is a practice which was never allowed till now, and ought never to be allowed; for whatever may be the secret meaning of any author, such explanations are certainly libels, which may have a very bad effect upon weak minds, and are pun ishable by the laws, without any extraordinary methods of construction. These writers ought to remember the case of sir Richard Steele, who published the pretender's declaration at the beginning of the late reign with an answer annexed; and although he did it with a very good design, yet it was universally allowed to be contrary to law; and if his principles of loyalty had not been very well known, might have involved him in a severe prosecution. I shall make no reflections on those who encouraged such explanations; and those who are hired to do it are beneath my notice. Let them empty all the trite common-places of servile, injudicious flattery, and endeavor to make their court by such nauseous, dishonest adulation, as I am sure gives the most offence to those persons to whom it is paid. Let them throw as much foul dirt at me as they please.

Let them charge me with designs which never entered into my thoughts, and cannot justly be imputed to me from any part of my conduct. God knows my heart; I am as zealous for the welfare of the present royal family as the most sordid of these sycophants. I am sensible that our happiness depends on the security of his majesty's title, and the preservation of the present government upon those principles which established them at the late glorious revolution, and which I hope will continue to actuate the conduct of Britons to the latest generations. These have always been my principles; and whoever will give himself the trouble of looking over the course of these papers will be convinced that they have been my guide: but I am a blunt, plain-dealing old man, who am not afraid to speak the truth; and as I have no relish for flattery myself, I scorn to bestow it on others. I have not, however, been sparing of just praise, nor slipped any seasonable opportunity to distinguish the royal virtues of their present majesties.1 More than this I cannot do; and more than this I hope will not be expected. Some of my expressions, perhaps, may have been thought too rough, and unpolished for the climate of a court, but they flowed purely from the sincerity of my heart; and the freedom of my writings has proceeded from my zeal for the interest of my king and country.

With regard to my adversaries, I will leave every impartial reader to judge whether, even in private life, that man is not most to be depended upon who-being inwardly convinced of the great and good qualities of his friend- never loads him with fulsome flatteries, but takes the honest liberty of warning him against the measures of those who are endeavoring to mislead him. The case is much stronger in public life; and a crown is beset with so many difficulties, that even a prince of the most consummate wisdom is not always sufficiently guarded against the dangers which surround him from the stratagems of artful ministers, or the blunders of weak ones. Both of them may be equally bad ministers, and pursue the same methods of supporting themselves, by flattering him into measures which tend to his destruction. But it is time to draw to a conclusion; and I can only add, that if I were really engaged in any design contrary to the interests of the present establishment I should have sat down contented, and secretly rejoiced at the affair which occasioned this paper instead of giving myself and the reader so much trouble.

C. D.

SIR,

ANSWER TO THE CRAFTSMAN.1

I detest reading your papers because I am not of your principles, and because I cannot endure to be convinced. Yet I was prevailed on to peruse your Craftsman of December the 12th, wherein I discover you to be as great an enemy of this country as you are of your own. You are pleased to reflect on a project I proposed of making the children of Irish parents to be useful to the public instead of being burdensome; and you venture to assert that your own scheme is more charitable, of not permitting our popish natives to be listed in the service of any foreign prince.

Perhaps, sir, you may not have heard of any kingdom so unhappy as this, both in their imports and exports. We import a sort of goods of no intrinsic value, which it costs us above 40,000l. a-year to dress and scour and polish, which altogether do not yield one penny advantage; and we annually export above 700,000l. a-year in another kind of goods, for which we receive not one single farthing in return, even the money paid for letters sent in transacting this commerce being all returned to England. But now, when there is a most lucky opportunity offered to begin a trade whereby this nation will save many thousand pounds a-year, and England be a prodigious gainer, you are pleased without a call officiously and maliciously to interpose with very frivolous arguments.

It is well known that, about sixty years ago, the exportation of live cattle from hence to England was of great benefit to both kingdoms until that branch of traffic was stopped by an act of parliament on your side, whereof you have sufficient reason to repent. Upon which account, when another act passed your parliament forbidding the exportation of live men to any foreign country, you were so wise to put in a clause allowing it to be done by his majesty's permission under his sign manual; for which, among other great benefits granted to Ireland, we are infinitely obliged to the British legislature. Yet this very grace and favor you, Mr. D'Anvers, whom we never disobliged, are endeavoring to prevent; which I will take upon me to say is a manifest mark of your disaffection to his majesty, a want of duty to the ministry, a wicked design of oppressing this kingdom, and a traitorous attempt to lessen the trade and manufactures of England.

Our truest and best ally, the most Christian king, has obtained A masterpiece in the dean's ironical style.

his majesty's licence, pursuant to law, to export from hence some thousand bodies of healthy, young, living men, to supply his Irish regiments. The king of Spain, as you assert yourself, has desired the same civility, and seems to have at least as good a claim. Supposing then that these two potentates will only desire leave to carry off 6000 men between them to France and Spain; then by computing the maintenance of a tall hungry Irishman in food and clothes to be only at 57. a-head, here will be 30,000l. per annum saved clear to the nation; for they can find no other employment at home, besides begging, robbing, or stealing. But if 30,000, 40,000, or 50,000 (which we would gladly spare) were sent on the same errand, what an immense benefit it must be to us! and if the two princes, in whose service they were, should happen to be at war with each other, how soon would those recruits be destroyed! then what a number of friends would the pretender lose, and what a number of popish enemies all true protestants get rid of! Add to this that then, by such a practice, the lands of Ireland that want hands for tillage must be employed in grazing, which would sink the price of wool, raw hides, butter, and tallow, so that the English might have them at their own rates; and in return send us wheat to make our bread, barley to brew our drink, and oats for our horses, without any labor of our own.

Upon this occasion, I desire humbly to offer a scheme, which, in my opinion, would best answer the true interests of both kingdoms: for although I bear a most tender filial affection for England, my dear native country, yet I cannot deny but this noble island has a great share in my love and esteem; nor can I express how much I desire to see it flourish in trade and opulence, even beyond its present happy condition.

The profitable land of this kingdom is, I think, usually computed at 17,000,000 of acres, all of which I propose to be wholly turned to grazing. Now, it is found by experience that one grazier and his family can manage 2000 acres. Thus 16,800,000 acres may be managed by 8400 families; and the fraction of 200,000 acres will be more than sufficient for cabins, out-houses, and potato-gardens; because it is to be understood that corn of all sorts must be sent to us from England.

These 8400 families may be divided among the four provinces, according to the number of houses in each province; and making the equal allowance of eight to a family, the number of inhabitants will amount to 67,200 souls. To these we are to add a standing