Y.R. B.C. 710 trying to seize by force those that were taken from them. 44 Thus in fact was the army transferred from our enemies to Dolabella by artifice, by stratagem, by exchange; for when there was no way to gain our end openly by arms we had necessarily to have recourse to the laws. 37. "After these events our enemies had raised another army and it became needful for me to have the one in Macedonia; but I was in want of a pretext. A rumor gained currency that the Geta were ravaging Macedonia. This was disbelieved, and while messengers were sent to make inquiry I brought forward the decree about the dictatorship, providing that it should not be lawful to speak of it, to vote for it, or to accept it if offered. The senators were particularly taken with this proposal and they gave me the army. Then for the first time I considered myself on an equality with my enemies, not merely with the open ones [as Octavius thinks],' but with the more numerous and powerful ones who still choose to remain secret. When I had accomplished these plans there remained one of the murderers on my flank, Decimus Brutus, who governed a conveniently placed province with a large army, whom I, knowing him to be bolder than the rest, have deprived of Cisalpine Gaul, by promising, in order to keep up appearances with the Senate, to give him in exchange Macedonia,2 when it has lost its army. The Senate was indignant, for it now perceived the stratagem, and you know what kind of letters, and how many, they are writing to Decimus, and how they are inciting my successors in the consulship. I decided to take a bolder course and ask the people for this province by a law, instead of asking the Senate, and I brought my army from Macedonia to Brundusium so that I might use it in emergencies. And, with the help of the gods, we will use it as may be needful. 38. "Thus have we changed from the great fear that for 1 ὡς οἴεται Καῖσαρ. I have placed these words in brackets because they have no relevancy to the context. Nauck thinks they should be erased. 2 ἐς εὐπρέπειαν ἔτι τῆς Βουλῆς Μακεδονίαν ὑπισχνούμενος ἀντιδώσειν. These words are troublesome. The substitution of ni for eri was suggested by Musgrave, and this change has been followed in the translation. Y.R. 710 merly beset us to a state of entire safety for ourselves, where we can boldly face our foes. When these facts became known the multitude showed their zeal against our enemies. You see how the latter regret the decrees that have been passed and what a fight they are making to deprive me of the Gallic province which has already been given to me. You know what they have written to Decimus and how they are urging my successors in the consulship to get the law relating to this province changed. But with the help of our country's gods, and with pious intent, and by means of your valor, with which Cæsar also conquered, we will avenge him, devoting to that purpose our powers of body and of mind. While these events were in progress, fellowsoldiers, I preferred that they should not be talked of; now that they are accomplished I have laid them before you, whom I shall make the sharers of my deeds and my counsels in every particular hereafter. Communicate to others, if there are any, who do not see them in the same light excepting only Octavius, who behaves ungratefully toward us. 112 B.C. 44 CHAPTER VI Octavius accused of attempting to assassinate Antony - He denies the Accusation - Octavius obtains Soldiers in Calatia and Casilinum — The Tribune Canutius sides with Octavius against Antony - Octavius declares his Readiness to fight Antony - Cæsar's Veterans refuse to fight against Antony 39. These words of Antony convinced the tribunes that in all he had done he had been moved by bitter animosity toward the murderers and that he had been scheming against the Senate. Nevertheless they urged him to come to an agreement with Octavius; and as both yielded they formed 1 τῷ τε σώματι ἐπεξιόντες, καὶ τῇ γνώμῃ βοηθοῦντες, literally, " attacking with the body and helping with the mind." Nauck would erase the word Bon@ouvres. It would certainly not be missed. 2 That this speech was composed by Appian and put in the mouth of Antony there is little room to doubt. It contains errors as to dates and as to the order of events which Antony could not have made. Y.R. B.C. 710 a new alliance in the Capitol. Not long afterward Antony 44 announced to his friends that some of his body-guard had been tampered with by Octavius, who had formed a plot against him. This he said either as a slander, or because he believed it to be true, or because he had heard of the emissaries of Octavius in his camp and thought they were actually plotting against his life. When this story was noised about there was a general tumult forthwith and great indignation, for there were few who had sufficient penetration to see that it was for the interest of Octavius that Antony, even though he were unjust to him, should live, because he (Antony) was a terror to the murderers. If he were dead they would quite fearlessly dare anything, especially as they had the support of the Senate. The more intelligent knew this, but the greater part, seeing what Octavius suffered daily from the indignities and the losses inflicted on him, considered the accusation not incredible, yet held it to be impious and intolerable that a conspiracy should be formed against Antony's life while he was consul. Octavius ran with mad fury to those who held this opinion of him, exclaiming that it was Antony that had conspired against him to alienate from him the friendship of the people, which was the only thing left to him. He ran to Antony's door and repeated the same things, calling the gods to witness, taking all kinds of oaths, and inviting Antony to a judicial investigation. As nobody came forward he said, "I will accept your friends as judges." With these words he attempted to enter the house. Being prevented from doing so he again cried out and railed at Antony and vented his wrath against the doorkeepers who restrained him from having a dispute with Antony. Then he went away and called the people to witness that if anything should happen to him his death would be due to Antony's plots. As these words were spoken with deep feeling the multitude underwent a change, and a kind of penitence took the place of their former opinion. There were some who still doubted, and hesitated to put faith in either of them. Some accused them both of making false pretences, believing that they had come to an agreement in the temple, and that these were plots devised against their enemies. Still others thought that this was a device of Y.R. B. C. 710 Antony to increase his body-guard or to alienate the veterans 44 from Octavius.1 40. Presently news was brought to Octavius by his secret emissaries that the army at Brundusium and the colonized soldiers were incensed against Antony for neglecting to avenge the murder of Cæsar, and that they would assist him (Octavius) to do so if they could. For this reason Antony departed to Brundusium. As Octavius feared lest Antony, returning with the army, should catch him unprotected he went to Campania with money to enlist the veterans who had been colonized in those towns by his father. He first brought over those of Calatia and next those of Casilinum, two towns situated on either side of Capua, giving 500 drachmas to each man. He collected about 10,000 men, not fully armed and not mustered in regular cohorts, but serving merely as a body-guard under one banner.2 The 1 Cicero refers in one of his letters to the attempt of Octavius to assassinate Antony. He says that the charge was considered by the populace a mere fiction on the part of Antony to serve as an excuse for seizing the young man's property, but that the better and more discerning citizens believed the report and highly approved of it; also that Antony was so generally detested that although he had caught the assassins in his house he dared not make the affair public. (Ad Fam. xii. 23.) Suetonius says: "At the instigation of some of his friends he (Octavius) hired assassins to kill him (Antony), but as the plot was discovered and he apprehended similar danger to himself, he drew over the veteran troops to his own service and that of the republic by as large a bribe as he could procure." (Aug. 10.) Suetonius makes this affair take place while Antony was besieging Decimus Brutus in Mutina, whereas it must have been considerably earlier. Plutarch says merely that "a rumor prevailed that Octavius had formed a plot against Antony. (Ant. 16.) 2 Cicero, who was, at this time, at or near Naples, gives an account of this mustering of forces by Octavius at Calatia and Casilinum in letters to Atticus (xvi. 8, 9). Cicero was thrown into trepidation by this movement and also by the approach of Antony, who was marching from Brundusium to Rome with one legion known as the Alaude (the Larks), that had been raised by Cæsar in Transalpine Gaul. He says that Octavius desired to have a secret interview with him at Capua or in the vicinity, which Cicero declined. Then Octavius sent a messenger to him who asked his advice whether he had best march to Rome with 3000 of his soldiers, or attempt to prevent Antony's approach, or go and meet the three legions from Macedonia which were marching northward along the Adriatic coast and which he believed would join him. Cicero advised him to go to Rome because he thought the common people would be on his side, and that if he could gain their support VOL. II-R B.C. Y.R. 710 citizens of Rome were alarmed at the approach of Antony 44 with an army, and when they learned that Octavius was advancing with another one some were doubly alarmed, while others were well pleased, believing that they could make use of Octavius against Antony. Still others, who had seen them reconciled to each other in the Capitol, considered these transactions a game of false pretences by which Antony was to have the supreme power and Octavius was to wreak vengeance on the murderers in return therefor. 41. In this time of consternation Canutius, a tribune of the people and enemy of Antony, and hence friendly to Octavius, went to meet the latter. Having learned his intentions Canutius addressed the people, saying that Octavius was advancing with real hostility to Antony and that those who were afraid that Antony was aiming at tyranny should side with Octavius as they had no other army at present. After speaking thus he brought in Octavius, who was encamped before the city at the temple of Mars, fifteen stades distant. When the latter arrived he proceeded to the temple of Castor and Pollux, which his soldiers surrounded carrying concealed daggers. Canutius addressed the people first, speaking against Antony. Octavius also reminded them of his father and of what he had himself suffered at the hands of Antony, on account of which he had enlisted this army as a guard for himself. He declared himself the obedient servant of his country in all things, and said that he was ready to confront Antony in the present emergency.1 the upper classes would join him also. Octavius answered that he would follow Cicero's advice and then urged him to come to Rome also, saying that he (Octavius) wished to act under the authority of the Senate. "I try to excuse myself," says Cicero. "I cannot trust his youth, I do not know his real intentions.... I am afraid of Antony's power and unwilling to leave the coast, and at the same time should be sorry to be absent in any crisis." He wants Atticus to advise him what to do. Velleius (ii. 61) mentions the enlistment of these veterans at Calatia and Casilinum. 1 Velleius (ii. 64) says that both Cicero and Canutius suffered death for their defence of liberty; "that the proscription began with the blood of the tribune and ended with that of Cicero as though even Antony were now satisfied." On the other hand, Dion Cassius says that Canutius was captured by Octavius at Perusia and put to death nearly three years later (xlviii. 14). Appian confirms this (v. 49 infra). |