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HOUSE IN WHICH LINCOLN LIVED WHEN HE WAS ELECTED PRESIDENT.

1861.

Considering Mr. Crittenden's representative char- CHAP. XIV. acter, his far-reaching political influence, his unconditional devotion to the Union, his honorable record against the abrogation of the Missouri Compromise, and against the Lecompton fraud, his condemnation of the heresy of secession and noncoercion, and, in addition to all, his persuasive eloquence in private and in public, great hopes were for a while entertained that his name and figure would become a successful rallying point for agreement. Persons who thought this, however, failed to note the well-defined attitudes into which the contending parties had separated. Mr. Crittenden's plan was brought to a test vote on the 16th of January, two days after the report of the House Committee of Thirty-three. Its main feature was the reënactment of the Missouri Compromise, which had been repealed at Mr. Douglas's instance, and the application of its provisions to all remaining Federal territory - - that is, that slavery should exist south of the line 36° 30′ and be prohibited north of it. The resolutions also provided that the prohibition should extend to future acquisitions north of the line; and upon motion of Mr. Powell, an amendment was adopted that slavery should also exist in future acquisitions south of it. It had been argued in favor of the plan that it definitely settled the status of all Federal territory; but under this amendment the plan became what would be simply the preliminary chapter of a new conflict between the sections for a new balance or preponderance of power through annexation. This was pouring oil on the fire instead of quenching it.

VOL. III.-15

CHAP. XIV.

"Globe,"

Jan, 16, 1861, p. 404.

The Republican Senators, and the Republican party that had won the Presidential victory at the November election upon the distinct issue of "no extension of slavery," could not accept the proposition in this shape; they could not even do so without the Powell amendment. They were compelled to insist that the South must submit to the legally expressed will of the majority. To recede from this was not only the destruction of the Republican party; it was the abandonment of government. The Republican Senators therefore laid down their ultimatum in an amendment offered by Mr. Clark, of New Hampshire, to strike out the Crittenden resolutions and amendment, and substitute the following declaration :

That the provisions of the Constitution are ample for the preservation of the Union and the protection of all the material interests of the country; that it needs to be obeyed rather than amended; and that an extrication from our present dangers is to be looked for in strenuous efforts to preserve the peace, protect the public property, and enforce the laws, rather than in new guarantees for particular interests, compromises for particular difficulties, or concessions to unreasonable demands.

That all attempts to dissolve the present Union, or overthrow or abandon the present Constitution, with the hope or expectation of constructing a new one, are dangerous, illusory, and destructive; that in the opinion of the Senate of the United States no such reconstruction is practicable, and, therefore, to the maintenance of the existing Union and Constitution should be directed all the energies of all the departments of the Government, and the efforts of all good citizens.

If the Republicans were not willing to accept the Crittenden compromise, the extreme Southern Senators were still less so. Upon the question being

taken in the Senate, six of the latter refused to CHAP. XIV. vote, and thus took upon themselves the responsibility of effectually killing the Crittenden resolutions by allowing the Clark substitute to be adopted "Globe," -yeas, 25; nays, 23. The conspirators acted on the assumption that their plans were now sufficiently ripe to enable them to venture on so bold an expedient.

Mr. Crittenden was greatly cast down by the result, but not yet entirely despondent. Notice was given of a motion to reconsider the vote; and on the following day he telegraphed to friends in North Carolina, "In reply, the vote against my resolutions will be reconsidered. Their failure was the result of the refusal of six Southern Senators to vote. There is yet good hope of success." The conspirators were, however, not only better informed, but inflexibly resolved that so far at least as they were concerned the veteran statesman's prediction should not be verified.

Jan. 16, 1861,

p. 409.

McPherson, p. 39.

Compromise, thus twice defeated, was nevertheless so prevalent an idea, or rather seemed so necessary an expedient, that it once more made its appearance in a new shape, and again for a season claimed the attention of the country and of Congress, through the deliberations of an assembly, somewhat anomalous in character and authority, known to history as the "Peace Convention." The particulars of its origin have never been made public, though it is stated that the call was mainly the work of ex-President Tyler. On the 19th of January the Legislature of Virginia passed L. E. Chita series of resolutions inviting the other States of the Union to send commissioners to meet in Wash- tion," p. 9.

Henry A.
Wise,
"Seven

Decades,"

p. 271. 1861.

tenden, "Peace Conven

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