the common dictates of humanity, to try and prevent the shedding of human blood." Had not the police at this critical moment interfered, it is probable their courage might have been put to the test even beyond aught they had dreamed. The police I could not, of course, resist. I, therefore, while the police were ascending the stairs, retreated, and quietly left the Garner House and ensconced myself elsewhere.

A few days after, I saw, in the very same columns, a call for a "public meeting at the amphitheatre, to take action on a matter of vital importance." In the same paper still later, I saw the following advertisement:

$250 Reward.

This amount, now deposited in the Mercury office for that purpose, will be paid to any one who will point out the lurking place of William Strickland, formerly of this city, if within the limits of Mobile county.

MOBILE, January 8, 1858.

The result of the meeting at the Amphitheatre, which had been convened on matters of "vital importance," when they found they could not get rid of me in a "quiet and dignified manner," was to wage war on my wife. A committee was appointed to wait on her and inform her that unless she left the city she would be sent off by force.

Oh, most noble gentlemen of the committee! True and glorious representatives of Southern Chivalry!

But despite your watchings, I had regular interviews with my wife. Notwithstanding your threat of ruin to all who aided, friends did assist. As my presence in Mobile could no longer be of essential service to the settlement of claims due me, I joined her in New Orleans and accompanied her home.

It is the misfortune of Mobile that she has borne in her bosom a set of bad, reckless, unprincipled and lawless men"league" dreaded and feared by good people but against whom they are powerless. Under the name of patriotism, as applied to Southern institutions, this class of men have perpetrated many and grievous wrongs, amongst which my own case stands prominent.

Now let us examine the statement of Mr. Upson, who still survives to testify against the mob that for fifty years ruled the South in terror and blood:

MILWAUKEE, Feb. 7, 1884. DEAR SIR:-Your letter of January 30, 1884, enclosing a copy of the Mobile (Ala.) Tribune dated August 17, 1856,

purporting to give an account of the driving away of Strickland & Co. from that city for selling three books of an "incendiary" character, is in hand, and I have read the article carefully. I think I never read it before. You wish to know if the account given there is correct.

The statement there made falsifies itself by its glaring and palpable contradictions. One fact is stated: "Strickland & Co." were driven from the city, or rather, were compelled to flee to save their lives. Nearly everything else in the account is exaggerated misrepresentation and falsehood. If the account were true, then William Strickland and Edwin Upson were the most consummate fools that ever drew breath; but it is well known that they were neither fools nor Abolitionists.

The idea of circulating "incendiary" books for any purpose was never thought of by them. Both of them had been slave-holders for many years when this event occurred, and had no interests elsewhere than in Alabama, and were known as good and loyal citizens; but this committee made the wonderful discovery that "Strickland & Co." had been selling Abolition books for years, and had grown rich at the business! Was anything ever more ridiculous and absurd? The facts were that they had sold just three books, two of which were surreptitiously obtained. They consisted of two copies of "Fred Douglass' Life" and one copy of "Autographs for Freedom;" and part of these were sold without profit. I think the entire amount received for them was $3; and from this sale they were said by this remarkable committee to have grown rich.

The copy of "Autographs for Freedom" had been in the store for years, high up on a shelf with a lot of shop-worn and unsalable books. The other two books had been in, the store about six months. They were ordered by a cus tomer who had seen their announcement by the publishers, and wished to examine them.

"Strickland & Co." were certainly rather slow in pushing their Abolition documents. The fact was they had never read a line in these books. This was their great mistake; had they carefully examined them they would never have offered them for sale; but they felt even above suspicion of Abolitionism, being old citizens, Mr. Strickland having been there seventeen years, myself in the State from boy-hood, and both slave-holders. The covert attack and insinuations made that something dreadful had been done by these parties, too terrible to disclose, were intended to arouse a mob spirit. All this talk about a "rigid examination" is a myth.

I went voluntarily before this committee at the Battle House and made a full and truthful statement of the matter as far as I knew, and Mr. Strickland did the same. This was all the examination had.

As I left the committee room and was coming down stairs I met Mr. Maury, the chief of police, who collared me. At the same time Dr. Woodcock came out of the committee room and called out to Mr. Maury to let me alone and he desisted.

He

When our [the Union] army captured Mobile, Mr. Strickland then entered the city with it, and he says spent nine of the happiest days of his life among his old friends and enemies. He said they all looked pretty seedy, but most of them were glad to see him. Some had passed away. then learned that Dr. Woodcock stated that when Maury collared me at the Battle House, he, with a number of others, had a carriage and horses and rope ready to take me out and hang me. So it appears that this vigilance committee had men outside ready to do their bidding. Dr. Woodcock coming out of the committee room and calling out to Maury as he did, shows that the committee and the mob were acting together. But thank God, I still live, and am able to state these facts calmly and dispassionately, although nearly twenty-eight years have passed since those barbarous and inhuman scenes transpired.

The pecuniary loss of Strickland & Co. was large—a good established business broken up, and the hard earnings of early years swept away. The firm had $25,000 due them when they were driven away. Only about $10 of it was ever collected. Soon after we left attachments were levied on our stock for nearly everything the firm owed. The parties that had them served were a portion of this committee, and soretly advised us, as friends, to leave the city as soon as we possibly could, as we were not safe a moment there. So it

1 The Mobile Register of August 17, 1856, contained the following: The firm and prompt, yet moderate course, pursued by the committee, Is worthy of all praise. It is calculated to produce a high moral effect, and will be cordially indorsed and sustained by the entire community.

The following, is a list of the gentlemen present at the meeting:

Dr. J C. Nott, the Hon. John Bragg, the Rev. W. Hawthorn, Dr. J. H. Woodcock, Dr. H. S. Levert, Wm. F. Cleveland, A. Brooks, Joseph Sewall, the Hon. A. P. Bagby, A. G. Humphreys, H. W. Broadnax, J. S. Secor, H. B. Holcombe, Dr. Mastin, the Hon. J. W. Lesesne, Dr. G. A. Ketchum, W. Boyles, Esq., J. H. Daughdrill, John Scott, Jacob Magee, Dr. F. A. Ross, Joseph E. Murrill, R. C Macy, the Hon. E. S. Dargan, Wm. Harris, John Hall, Godard Bailey, S. C. Stramler, John Mann.

The Examining Committee was composed of the following gentlemen: The Hen. J W. Lesesne, Dr. J. C. Nott, the Hon. John Bragg, Dr. H. S. Levert, Dr. J. H. Woodcock, J. S. Secor, Esq.

The Committee who were appointed to wait on Messrs. Strickland & Co., were Dr. J. C. Nott, Dr. H. 8. Levert, W. F. Cleveland, Esq.

appears they were advising us with one hand and preparing to rob us with the other.

We had to use great caution to get away from the city, as the police were watching us. None dared openly to assist us, for a terrible despotism reigned.

It was such men as those composing the committee that ruled and finally ruined the South. Their inhuman outrages, perpetrated on good and loyal citizens, were the forerunners of the terrible war that soon followed, drenching the land in blood. EDWIN UPSON.

The author having circulated among the people of the South in the year of our Lord 1884, undertakes to declare that, except in a few communities, the same intolerance, the same spirit of lawlessness, and the same class of men rule the South to-day, to her sorrow. Should they be given control

of the Nation?

CHAPTER XIV.

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY-ITS NAME.

Gradual Consolidation of Scattered Forces-The Kansas-Nebraska Bill Fires the North-A Modest Patriot Watches His Opportunity -Plans Previously Matured-Numerous Pretenders-Henry Wilson's Testimony-A. E. Bovay Writes to Greeley Suggesting the Name "Republican" Be Advocated in the New York Tribune— Tells How and When He Did It-Greeley was Moved-Why a New Party was Demanded-Meetings for its Formation-Whiggery Dead But Unburied-Begging to Have Its Carcass Spared-Not a Blind, Unconscious Movement-The First Republican Committee -The Name Should Not Be Adopted in Ripon, but Come Apparently from a More Noteworthy Source-Major Bovay tells the Whole Story-Greeley and Bovay Break Bread and Read Telegrams from the Whig Convention of 1852-Scott's Defeat Predicted—A New Party Demanded-Its Name Should Be Republican-Reasons for Choosing that Title-"Who Could Fight Under the Shadow of a Goose?"-Mrs. Bovay's Confirmatory Letter-David P. Mapes Makes a Statement-Corroboratory Letter from Judge E. L. Runals. We have now passed over, swiftly and cursorily it must be admitted, a half-century of slavery domination, present

ing single illustrations in each successive class of the numberless wickednesses that burden its dark and unhappy history. It brings us to a point where public opinion was, sharply defined and intensely active, and where we find, for the first time in years, but two parties. One worshiped at the bloody shrine of slavery, willing to destroy constitutions, laws, treaties, personal rights, Christian precepts, even human life to perpetuate its reign for selfish purposes. The other, bearing aloft the eagles of freedom, asked nothing for itself, but was consecrated to any hardship or sacrifice necessary to achieve the amelioration of a degraded and down-trodden race.

For many years there had been several political parties, or several factions maneuvering in politics for the purpose of engrafting their peculiar views upon administrational policies, or of exterminating certain public evils. The Democracy, North and South, was wedded to slavery and nullification, and the Southern Whigs generally followed in the same path.

In the North the Liberty Party, Sons of Freemen, Abolitionists, Whigs, Emancipationists, Free-Soilers and their allies were contesting, some in a weak and childish manner, and others in a strong and troublesome way, every advance of the Democratic party. But these several factions, marshaled and organized upon different platforms, marching and counter-marching at different times and attacking and retreating without concert, served to strengthen rather than weaken the enemy.

Slowly but surely, however, had the scattered forces been drawing together. The Whig platform of 1852 virtually indorsed the slavery of the South and sanctified slave-catching at the North as a means of its perpetuation.

When, therefore, in the winter of 1853-4, the Kansas-Nebraska bill was reported in Congress, factional lines began to