After the election the Copiahan, edited by J. L. Meade, chairman of the Democratic County Committee and of the meeting which adopted the foregoing resolutions, headed an article on the result in large letters-"COPIAH SHAKES HANDS WITH YAZOO."

The public will understand what that meant, as Yazoo is one of the bloodiest places in Mississippi.

At the first meeting of the common council of Hazelhurst, Wheeler, his hands still red with human blood, was unanimously elected marshal of the place "as a reward for gallantly performing his duty."

That clearly demonstrates what honors are in store for Southern Democrats who assassinate Republicans1.

Matthews was assassinated in the morning of November 7, 1883. At dusk that evening the "Tail-hold Club" gathered in the yard of the Matthews residence and held a brutal jollification.

A crime hardly less wicked than the killing of Matthews was the trial of Wheeler in May, 1884, for the murder. The jury, picked for the purpose, brought in a prompt verdict of "not guilty." Knowing the indignation such a judgment would be sure to call down upon them, they adopted, with brazen blasphemy, a resolution calling on the Almighty to bear witness that their "error" was "one of the head, not of the heart." The truth is that the jury did not dare find Wheeler guilty. The community demanded his acquittal, of which fact the judge and the jury were fully cognizant.

Young Real, who testified before the Hoar committee against Wheeler and the bloody "Tail-hold Club," told the writer at that time that if he should be permitted to live he could not continue in business in Hazelhurst. He remained

Before the Senate investigating committee J. T. Dameron, a merchant, testified that he saw Ras" Wheeler in a street car in Jackson on the 13th or 14th of February. Wheeler was talking in a low tone. He said: "Yes, old Hoar is coming down here on an investigation committee. If I get a crack at him I will kill him, too. I killed Print Matthews, or rather it was the Democratic party that did it. If it had not been for politics, I would not have done it; but it was politics that did it."

in New Orleans for a few days while his mother attempted to mollify the blood-thirsty Democracy. Soon after, the gloomy prophecy he made in the rooms of the investigating committee returned to the writer like a shudder, as the telegraph brought the news that bright-eyed, ruddy-cheeked, pleasant young Real had returned to Hazelhurst and been brutally murdered by the Democratic avengers.

The election methods of the Democratic party in Alabama, Florida and other Southern States being similar to those described under the head of Louisiana, the Carolinas and Mississippi, it is not necessary to refer to them in detail. That part of the country south of Mason and Dixon's line is not in any sense a Republic.

It having been announced that a subscription for the benefit of Mrs. J. P. Matthews, had been started, the widow of Judge Chisolm wrote to the Washington National Republican a stinging rebuke of the pusillanimity of the federal gov

ernment:

I see by editorial notice you receive small contributions for the wife of the murdered Matthews of Copiah county, Mississippi. Will you do me the kindness to accept the inclosed? It is but a mite-would it were more. My heart bleeds at the recollection of my own experience in Mississippi. At the close of that dreadful April Sabbath, before me lay, within a space of a few feet, Johnnie, our dear son, with his little hand shot off and his young heart shot out; Cornelia, our girl baby, bleeding literally from head to feet, exhausted, and with none to bind her wounds; my husband, truly the image of his God, murdered by those exulting

"In cowardice so mean, in infamy so vast,

That hell gives in and devils stand aghast."

My husband said to me: "My death will not go unavenged nor be in vain. The Republican party is too loyal to every principle of freedom. They of the North will rouse them from their lethargy, and make it impossible that such crimes can be re-enacted. My death will effect more than thus far living I could do." When I have prayed at the feet of justice, kneeling into the very dust of entreaty, remembering his words, I have begged for legal retribution for the sake of the living Republicans of the South, and I have

been soothingly told, "They dare no more to do such crime." They waited not till the blood of my beloved had ceased to voice the Lord's question to Cain till in the same shameless State they made Henry Gully, the murderer of my daughter, a member of the legislature. The murder of Vance, and at various times and places of many poor Negroes, have scarcely been recorded. Now the brave Matthews' uneasy sleep in a bloody grave takes down another committee. No loyal Southerner, whether child, maiden, or of glorious manhood, is protected in life under his own flag. Were such crimes permitted in other lands, the American Congress would be the first, by unanimous vote, to utter protest against "Man's inhumanity to man." EMILY S. M. CHISOLM.

Would to God the dark record of the Democratic party for the last fifty years might be written across the face of the sun, so that all mankin could see how mighty have been its sins and crimes.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

OUR DUTY TO THE SOUTH.

The Preceding Chapter a Mere Index to the Truth-Disfranchised States--Has the South a Republican Form of Government--If Fraud Changes the Control of Congress or the Politics of the Presidency, Is not the Nation Defrauded and Practically Dis. franchised-How the Democrats Manacled the Government and Gave a Carte Blanche to Fraud and Riot-What a Republican Congress Can Do--Two Other Remedies--Arms and Ammunition for the Negroes--Lambs Never Attack Wolves--The Freed man is the Child and Ward of the Republican Party-That Party Will be Held Responsible for His Wrongs and Sufferings and His Ultimate Destiny--Let Us Rally as of Old.

The preceding chapter is a mere index to the atrocities. of the South. Of the property destroyed, houses burned, ballot-boxes outraged, Republicans scourged and killed, courts overturned and riots precipitated, there is no complete record; but from the coroners' returns and the reports of in

vestigating committees, we know that over 12,000 persons have been killed or seriously wounded in the late slave States since 1866 on account of their politics alone.

The assassination of Republicans has continued during a period of eighteen years. Is not that long enough? Are the Democrats not now glutted with blood? Murder is less common than it was ten years ago, we must admit; but it is still resorted to without hesitancy for the purpose of carrying elections wherever whipping, burning, intimidation and the more recent methods of force and fraud seem likely to fail.

What has been the practical effect of this? The partial or complete disfranchisement several States. If from two-fifths to three-fifths of the electors of a State are either prevented from casting their ballots or their ballots are nullified after they have been cast, has that State a Republican form of government? Is it ruled by a free, popular majority, as the Constitution contemplates?

If the several States thus disfranchised fraudulently return such a number of Democratic Congressmen, as, added to those of the same party chosen in other States, places the control of Congress in the hands of the Democrats, when otherwise it would have been controlled by the Republicans, is the national government Republican, as contemplated by the Constitution?

Is it governed by popular majorities? the people?

Does it represent

If the fraud of nine or ten States results in giving the Presidency or the control of Congress to a political party which could not otherwise have been successful, are not the people of the entire Union cheated, defrauded and practically disfranchised? If so, may they not act, if they have the courage, for their own disenthrallment?

Has the time arrived when a fraud shall be as effective as a majority? Shall twenty-eight States, representing the

wealth, power and population of the American Republic, stand before the world disfranchised and emasculated by the fraud of ten States?

The Constitution says no; civilization says no; equity and natural law say no.

But circumstances alter cases.

There may be imes when it is difficult to do right; that is, difficult to accomplish the exact thing that right demands should be done. Here is one of those cases. The Democratic House of Representatives, in 1879, tacked a rider to the army appropriation bill declaring that no part of the army could be used "to keep the peace at the polls on election day," and threatened that unless the Republicans should consent to the passage of it, no appropriations would be made. This measure was framed in the direct interest of the Southern Democrats, whose violence and bloodshed at the polls had made Southern politics. a reproach to civilization. In debating the bill Matt H. Carpenter said:

What look has this bill on its face? The President of the United States may use the money appropriated to clothe, equip, transport and compensate troops to keep the peace everywhere in the nation on 364 days of the year, but one day in the year riot shall have full sway; one day in the year the administrative police force of this nation shall be manacled. It is said every dog shall have its day, and the Democratic Senators have made up their minds that riot shall have its day, and that that day shall be election day. All the unruly elements of society, all desperadoes and scoundrels have notice that election day is to be their carnival; and the national power shall not be permitted to oppose or resist them. Why will our Democratic friends insist here that, on that one day of the year, no military force shall be called out or used to put down riot and rebellion and the confusion and violence that may exist at the polls for the purpose of breaking up or controlling an election? Why, with all the charity a Christian can have for a Christion, there is not a child ten years old that would not answer, "Because they do not wish to have peaceable elections." There can be no other answer.