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whom it was that they were going to fight, and told them that they were inferior to the Romans not only in martial skill, but also in good fortune ; and desired then not rashly, and after the most foolish manner, to bring on the dangers of the most terrible mischiefs upon their country, upon their families, and upon themselves. And this I said with vehement exhortations, because i foresaw that the end of such a war would be most unfortunate to us. But I could not persuade them; for the madness of desperate men was quite too hard for me.
5. I was then afraid, lest, by inculcating these things so often, I should incur their hatred and their suspicions, as if I were of our enemies' party, and should run into tbe danger of being seized by them, and slain; since they were already possessed of Antonia, which was the citadel; so I retired into the inner court of the temple. Yet did I go out of the temple again, after Manahem and the principal of the band of robbers were put to death, when I abode amoóg the highpriests and the chief of the Pharisees. But no small fear seized upon us when we saw the people in arms, while we ourselves knew not what we should do, and were not able to restrain the seditious. However, as the danger was directly upon us, we pretended that we were of the same opinion with them, but only advised them to be quiet for the present, and to let the enemy go away, still boping, that Gessius (Florus] would not be long ere he came, and that with great forces, and so put an end to these seditious proceedings.
6. But, upon his coming and fighting, he was beaten, and a great many of those that were with himn fell. And this disgrace (which Gessius with Castius) received, became the ca. lamity of our whole nation; for those that were fond of the war were so far elevated with this success, that they had hopes of finally conquering the Romans. Of which war another occasion was ministered ; which was thís. Those that dwelt in the neighbouring cities of Syria seized upon such Jews as dwelt among them, with their wives and children, and slew them, when they had not the least occasion of complaint against them; for they did neither attempt any innovation or revolt from the Romans, nor had they given any marks of hatred or treacherous designs towards the Syrians. But what was done by the inhabitants of Scythopolis was the most impious and most highly criminal of all ; * for, when the Jews their enemies came opon them from without, they forced the Jews that were among them to bear arms against their own countrymen, which it is unlawful for us to do;t and when, by their assistance, they had joined battle with those who attacked them, and had beaten them, after that victory they forgot the assurances they bad given these their fellow-citizens and confederates, and slew thein all, being in number many ten thousands, (13,000.] The like miseries were undergone by those Jews that were the inhabitants of Damascus. But we have given a more accurate account of these things in the books of the Jewish war. I only mention them now, because I would demonstrate to my readers, that the Jews' war with the Romans was not voluntary, but that, for the main, they were forced by necessity to enter into it.
* See of the War, B. II. ch. xviii. sect. 3. + The Jews might collect this unlawfulness of fighting against their brethren, from that law of Moses, Lavit. xix. 16. “Thou shalt not stand against the blood " of thy neighbour;" and that, ver. 17.“ Thou shalt not avenge, nor bear any " grudge against the children of thy people; but thou shalt love thy neighbour
7. So when Gessius had been beaten, as we have said already, the principal men of Jerusalem, seeing that the robbers and innovators had arms in great plenty, and fearing lest they, while they were unprovided of arms, should be in sub. jection to their enemies, which also came to be the case af. terward ; and, being informed that all Galilee had not yet revolted from the Romans, but that some part of it was still quiet, they sent me and two others of the priests, who were men of excellent characters, Joazar and Judas, in order to persuade the ill men there to lay down their arms, and to teach them this lesson, that it were better to have those arms reserved for the most courageous men that the nation had, [tban to be kept there;] for that it had been resolved, that those our best men should always have their arms ready against futurity, but still so, that they should wait to see what the Romans would do.
8. When I had therefore received these instructions, I came into Galilee, and found the people of Sepphoris in no small agony about their country, by reason that the Galileans had resolved to plunder it, on account of the friendship they had with the Roinans, and because they had given their righthand, and made a league with Cestius Gallus, the president of Syria. But I delivered them all out of the fear they were in, and persuaded the multitude to deal kindly with them, and permitted them to send to those that were their own hostages with Gessius to Dora, which is a city of Phenicia, as often as they pleased; though I still found the inhabitants of Tiberias ready to take arms, and that on the occasion following:
9. 1'here were three factions in this city. The first was composed of men of worth and gravity ; of these Julius Ca.
6 as thyself;" as well as from many other places in the Pentateuch and Pre·phets. See Antig, B. VIII. ch. viii. sect. 3. Vol. I.
pellus was the head. Now he, as well as all his companions, Herod the son of Miarus, and Herod the son of Gamalus, and Compsus the son of Compsus (for as to Compsus's brother Crispus, who had once been governor of the city under the great king * [Agrippa,] he was beyond Jordan in his own possessions;) all these persons before-named gave their advice, that the city'should then continue in their allegiance, to the Romans, and to the king: But Pistus, who was guided by his son, Justus, did not acquiesce in that resolution ; otherwise he was himself naturally of a good and virtuous character. But the second faction was composed of the most ignoble persons, and was determined for war. "But as for Justus, the son of Pistus, who was the head of the third faction, although he pretended to be doubtful about going to war, yet was he really desirous of innovation, as supposing, that he should gain power to himself by the change of affairs. He therefore came into the midst of them, and endeavoured to inform the multitude, That 6 the city Tiberias had 66 ever been a city of Galilee, and that in the days of Herod 66 the tetrarch, who had built it, it had obtained the princi. 66 pal place, and that he had ordered that the city Seppho66 ris should be subordinate to the city Tiberias; that they had
not lost this pre-eminence even under Agrippa the father, 66 but had retained it until Felix was procurator of Judea. " But he told them, that now they had been so unfortunate " as to be made a present by Nero to Agrippa junior; and « that, upon Sepphoris's submission of itself to the Romans, 56 that was become the capital city of Galilee, and that the 66 royal treasury and the archives were now removed from 66.them.” When he had spoken these things, and a great many more against king Agrippa, in order to provoke the people to a revolt, he added, That “this was the time for them to 66 take arms, and join with the Galileans as their confede66 rates (whom they might cominand, and who would now 66 willingly assist them, out of the hatred they bare to the " people of Sepphoris, because they preserved their fidelity Go to the Romans,) and to gather a great number of forces in « order to punish them.” And, as he said this, he exhorted the multitude [to go to war ;] for his abilities lay in making harangues to the people, and in being too hard in his speeches for such as opposed him, though they advised what was more to their advantage, and this by his craftiness and his fallacies; for he was not unskilful in the learning of the Greeks, and in dependence on that skill it was, that he undertook to write an history of these affairs, as aiming by this way of laranguing to disguise the truth. But as to this man, and how ill were his character and conduct of life, and how he and his brother were, in great measure, the authors of our destruction, I shall give the reader an account in the progress of my narration. So when Justus had, by his persuasions, prevailed with the citizens of Tiberias to take arms, nay, and bad forced a great many so to do against their wills, he went out, and set the villages that belonged to Gadara, and Hippos on fire; which villages were situated on the borders of Tiberias, and of the region of Scythopolis.
* That this Herod Agrippa, the father, was of old called a Great King, as here appears by his cojos still remaining; to which Havercamp refers us.
10. And this was the state Tiberias was now in. But as for Gischala, its affairs were thus: When John, the son of Levi, saw some of the citizens much elevated upon their revolt from the Romans, he laboured to restrain them, and entreated them, that they would keep their allegiance to them. But he could not gain' his purpose, although he did bis endeavours to the utmost; for the neighbouring people of Ga. dara, and Gabara, and Sogana, with the Tyrians, got together a great army, and fell upon Gischala, and took Gischala by force, and set it on fire ; and when they had entirely demolished it, they returned home. Upon which John was so en. raged, that he armed all his men, and joined battle with the people forementioned, and rebuilt Gischala after a manner better than before, and fortified it with walls for its future security. · 11. But Gamala persevered in its allegiance to the Romans for the reason following : Philip the son of Jacimus, who was their governor under king Agrippa, had been unexpectedly preserved when the royal palace at Jerusalem had been besieged; but, as he fled away, had fallen into another danger, and that was of being killed by Manahem, and the robbers that were with him; but certain Babylonians, who were of his kindred, and were then in Jerusalem, hindered the robbers from executing their design. So Philip staid there four days, and fled away on the fifth, having disguised himself with fictitious hair, that he might not be discovered; and when he was come to one of the villages to him belonging, but one that was situated at the borders of the citadel of Gamala, he sent to some of those that were under him, and commanded them to come to him. But God himself hindered that his intention, and this for his own advantage also; for had it not so happened, he had certainly perished. For a fever having seized upon him immediately, he wrote to Agrippa and Bernice, and gave them to one of his freed-men to carry them to Varus, who at this time was procurator of the kingdom, which the king and his sister had entrusted him withal, while they were gone to Berytus with an intention of meet. ing Gessius. When Varus had received these letters of
Philip, and had learned that he was preserved, he was very uneasy at it, as supposing that he should appear useless to the king and his sister, now Philip was come. He therefore produced the carrier of the letters before the multitude, and accused hiin of forging the same; and said, that he spake falsely when he related that Philip was at Jerusalem, fighting among the Jews against the Romans. So he slew bim. And when this freed-man of Philip did not return again, Philip was doubtful what should be the occasion of his stay, and sent a second messenger with letters, that he might, upon his return, inform bim what had befallen the other that had been sent before, and why he tarried so long. Varus accused this messenger also, when he came, of telling a falsehood, and slew bim. For he was puffed up by the Syrians that were at Cesarea, and had great expectations ; for they said, that Agrippa would be slain by the Romans for the crimes which the Jews had committed, and that he should bimself take the government, as derived from their kings; for Varus was by the confession of all, of the royal family, as being a descendant of Sohemus, who had enjoyed a tetrarcby about Libanus; for which reason it was tbat he was puffed up, and kept the letters to himself. He contrived also that the king should not meet with those writings, by guarding all the passes, lest any one should escape and inform the king what had been done. He moreover slew many of the Jews, in order to gratify the Syrians of Cesarea. He had a mind also to join with the Trachonites in Batanea, and to take up arms and make an assault upon the Babylonian Jews that were at Ecbatana; for that was the name they went by. He therefore called to him twelve of the Jews of Cesarea, of the best character, and ordered them to go to Ecbatana, aud inform their countrymen who dwelt there, that Varus hath beard, that “ you intend “ to march against the king ; but, not believing that report, es he hath sent us to persuade you to lay down your aras, " and that this compliance will be a sign, that he did well not “ to give credit to those that raised the report concerning “ you.” He also enjoined them to send seventy of their principal men to make a defence for them as to the accusa- . tion laid against them. So when the twelve messengers came to their countrymen at Ecbatana, and found that they had no designs of innovation at all, they persuaded them to send the seventy men also; who not at all suspecting what would come, sent them accordingly. So these seventy * went down to Cesarea, together with the twelve * ambassadors, where Varus met them with the king's forces, and slew them all, toge
# The famous Jewish pumbers of twelve and seventy are here remarkable.