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ness, he sent a regiment of armed men, and with them a captain of a thousand, to suppress the violent efforts of the seditious, before the whole multitude should be infected with the like madness; and gave them this charge, that if they found any much more openly seditious than others, and more busy in tumultuous practices, they should bring them to him. But those that were seditious on account of those teachers of the law, irritated the people by the noise and clamour they used to encourage the people in their designs; so they made an assault upon the soldiers, and came up to them, and stoned the greatest part of them, although some of them ran away wounded, and their captain among them; and when they had thus done, they returned to the sacrifices which were already in their hands. Now Archelaus thought there was no way to preserve the entire government, but by cutting off those who made this attempt upon it; so he sent out the whole army upon them, and sent the horsemen to prevent those that had their tents without the temple, from assisting those that were within the temple, and to kill such as ran away from the footmen, when they thought themselves out of danger, which horsemen slew three thousand men, while the rest went to the neighbouring mountains. Then did Archelaus order proclamation to be made to them all, that they should retire to their own homes; so they went away, and left the festival out of fear of somewhat worse which would follow, although they had been so bold, by reason of their want of instruction. So Archelaus went down to the sea with his mother, and took with him Nicolaus and Ptolemy, and many others of his friends, and left Philip his brother as governor of all things belonging both to his own family and to the public. There went out also with him Salome, Herod's sister, who took with her her children, and many of her kindred were with her; which kindred of hers went, as they pretended, to assist Archelaus in gaining the kingdom, but in reality to oppose him, and chiefly to make loud complaints of what he had done in the temple. But Sabinus, Cæsar's steward for Syrian affairs, as he was making haste into Judea, to preserve Herod's effects, met with Archelaus at Cæsarea; but Varus (president of Syria) came at that time, and restrained him from meddling with them, for he was there as sent for by Archelaus, by the means of Ptolemy. And Sabinus, out of regard to Varus, did neither seize upon any of the castles that were among Jews, nor did he seal up the treasures in them, but permitted Archelaus to have them, until Cæsar should declare his resolution about them; so that, upon this his promise, he tarried still at Cæsarea. But after Archelaus was sailed for Rome, and Varus was removed to Antioch, Sabinus went to

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Jerusalem, and seized on the king's palace. He also sent for the keepers of the garrisons, and for all those that had the charge of Herod's effects, and declared publicly, that he should require them to give an account of what they had; and he disposed of the castles in the manner he pleased; but those who kept them did not neglect what Archelaus had given them in command, but continued to keep all things in the manner that had been enjoined them; and their pretence was, that they kept them all for Cæsar.

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4. At the same time also did Antipas, another of Herod's sons, sail to Rome, in order to gain the government; being buoyed up by Salome with promises, that he should take that government; and that he was a much honester and fitter man than Archelaus, for that authority; since Herod had, in his former testament, deemed him the worthiest to be made king, which ought to be esteemed more valid than his latter testament. Antipas also brought with him his mother, and Ptolemy the brother of Nicolaus, one that had been Herod's most honoured friend, and was now zealous for Antipas; but it was Ireneus the orator, and one who, on account of his putation for sagacity, was entrusted with the affairs of the kingdom, who most of all encouraged him to attempt to gain the kingdom by whose means it was, that when some advised him to yield to Archelaus, as to his elder brother, and who had been declared king by their father's last will, he would not submit so to do. And when he was come to Rome, all his relations revolted to him; not out of their good will to him, but out of their hatred to Archelaus; though indeed they were most of all desirous of gaining their liberty, and to be put under a Roman governor; but, if there were too great an opposition made to that, they thought Antipas preferable to Archelaus, and so joined with him, in order to procure the kingdom for him. Sabinus also by letters, accused Archelaus to Cæsar.

5. Now when Archelaus had sent in his papers to Cæsar, wherein he pleaded his right to the kingdom, and his father's testament, with the accounts of Herod's money, and with Ptolemy, who brought Herod's seal, he so expected the event; but when Cæsar had read these papers, and Varus's and Sabinus's letters, with the accounts of the money, and what were the annual incomes of the kingdom, and understood that Antipas had also sent letters to lay claim to the kingdom, he summoned his friends together, to know their opinions, and with them Caius, the son of Agrippa, and of Julia bis daughter, whom he had adopted, and took him, and made him sit first of all, and desired such as pleased to speak their minds about the affairs now before them. Now

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Antipater, Salome's son, a very subtle orator, and a bitter enemy to Archelaus, spake first to this purpose: That "it was ridiculous in Archelaus to plead now, to have the kingdom given him, since he had, in reality, taken already "the power over it to himself before Cæsar had granted it “ to him; and appealed to those bold actions of his, in de"stroying so many at the Jewish festival; and, if the men "had acted unjustly, it was but fit the punishing them should "have been reserved to those that were out of the country, "but had the power to punish them, and not been executed "by a man, that if he pretended to be a king, he did an injury to Cæsar, by usurping that authority before it was de"termined for him by Cæsar; but, if he owned himself to "be a private person, his case was much worse, since he "who was putting in for the kingdom, could by no means "expect to have that power granted him, of which he had “ already deprived Caesar [by taking it to himself]. He ، also touched sharply upon him, and appealed to his changing the commanders in the army, and his sitting in the “ royal throne before-hand, and his determination of law"suits; all done as if he were no other than a king. He ap"pealed also to his concessions to those that petitioned him ، on a public account, and indeed doing such things, than "which he could devise no greater if he had been already. "settled in the kingdom by Cæsar. He also ascribed to him "the releasing of the prisoners that were in the Hippo"drome, and many other things, that either had been cer"tainly done by him, or were believed to be done, and easily "might be believed to have been done, because they were "of such a nature as to be usually done by young men, and "by such as, out of a desire of ruling, seize upon the go،، vernment too soon. He also charged him with his neglect "of the funeral mourning for his father, and with having "merry meetings the very night in which he died; and that it was thence the multitude took the handle of raising a "tumult; and if Archelaus could thus requite his dead fa

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ther, who had bestowed such benefits upon him, and be"queathed such great things to him, by pretending to sned "tears for him in the day-time, like an actor on the stage, "but every night making mirth for having gotten the government, he would appear to be the same Archelaus with ، regard to Caesar, if he granted him the kingdom, which " he had been to his father; since he had then dancing " and singing, as though an enemy of his were fallen, and "not as though a man were carried to his funeral, that was "so nearly related, and had been so great a benefactor to "him. But he said that the greatest crime of all was this, that

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" he came now before Cæsar to obtain the kingdom by his grant, while he had before acted in all things as he could "have acted if Cæsar himself, who ruled all, had fixed him "firmly in the government. And what he most aggravated " in his pleading, was the slaughter of those about the temple, "and the impiety of it, as done at the festival; and how "they were slain like sacrifices themselves, some of whom were foreigners, and others of their own country, till the temple was full of dead bodies: and all this was done, not "by an alien, but by one who pretended to the lawful title "of a king, that he might complete the wicked tyranny "which his nature prompted him to, and which is hated " by all men. On which account his father never so much "as dreamed of making him his successor in the kingdom, "when he was of a sound mind, because he knew his dispo"sition; and, in his former and more authentic testament, "he appointed his antagonist Antipas to succeed; but that "Archelaus was called by his father to that dignity, when he was in a dying condition, both of body and mind, while "Antipas was called when he was ripest in his judgment, "and of such strength of body as made him capable of ma"naging his own affairs; and if his father had the like no"tion of him formerly that he hath now shewed, yet hath he given a sufficient specimen what a king he is likely to be, "when he hath [in effect] deprived Cæsar of that power of "disposing of the kingdom, which he justly hath, and hath "not abstained from making a terrible slaughter of his fel"low citizens in the temple, while he was but a private per❝ son."

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6. So when Antipater had made this speech, and had confirmed what he had said by producing many witnesses from among Archelaus's own relations, he made an end of his pleading. Upon which Nicolaus arose up to plead for Archelaus, and said, "That what had been done at the temple 66 was rather to be attributed to the mind of those that had "been killed, than to the authority of Archelaus; for that "those, who were the authors of such things, are not only "wicked in the injuries they do of themselves, but in for"cing sober persons to avenge themselves upon them. Now, "it is evident, that what these did in way of opposition was "done under pretence indeed against Archelaus, but in "reality against Cæsar himself, for they after an injurious 66 manner, attacked and slew those who were sent by Arche"laus, and who came only to put a stop to their doings. They had no regard, either to God or to the festival, whom Antipater yet is not ashamed to patronize, whether it be "out of his indulgence of an enmity to Archelaus, or out

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"of his hatred of virtue and justice. For as to those who 66 begin such tumults, and first set about such unrighteous "actions, they are the men who force those that punish "them to betake themselves to arms even against their wills. "So that Antipater in effect ascribes the rest of what was "done to all those who were of counsel to the accusers, for "nothing which is here accused of injustice has been done, "but what was derived from them as its authors; nor are "those things evil in themselves, but so represented only " in order to do harm to Archelaus. Such is these mens inclinations to do an injury to a man that is of their kindred, "their father's benefactor, and familiarly acquainted with them, and that hath ever lived in friendship with them; "for that, as to this testament, it was made by the king when "he was of a sound mind, and so ought to be of more authority than his former testament; and that for this reason, "because Cæsar is therein left to be the judge and disposer "of all therein contained; and for Cæsar he will not, to be sure, at all imitate the unjust proceedings of those men, "who, during Herod's whole life, had on all occasions "been joint partakers of power with him, and yet do zea"lously endeavour to injure his determination, while they "have not themselves had the same regard to their kinsmen, "[which Archelaus had]. Caesar will not therefore disannul "the testament of a man whom he had entirely supported, "of his friend and confederate, and that which is committed to him in trust to ratify; nor will Cæsar's virtuous and up"right disposition, which are known and uncontested through "all the habitable world, imitate the wickedness of these men in condemning a king as a madman, and as having "lost his reason, while he hath bequeathed the succession to "a good son of his, and to one who flies to Cæsar's upright "determination for refuge. Nor can Herod at any time "have been mistaken in his judgment about a successor, while "he shewed so much prudence as to submit all to Cæsar's de"termination."

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7. Now when Nicolaus had laid these things before Cæsar, he ended his plea; whereupon Cæsar was so obliging to Archelaus, that he raised him up when he had cast himself down at his feet, and said, that "he well deserved the king"dom;" and he soon let them know, that he was so far moved in his favour, that he would not act otherwise than his father's testament directed, and than was for the advantage of Archelaus. However, while he gave this encouragement to Archelaus to depend on him securely, he made no full determination about him; and, when the assembly was broken up, he considered by himself, whether he should confirm the

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