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“ he came now before Cæsar to obtain the kingdom by his
grant, while he had before acted in all things as he could “ have acted if Cæsar himself, who ruled all, had fixed him “ firmly in the government. And what he most aggravated " in his pleading, was the slaughter of those about the temple, “ and the impiety of it, as done at the festival; and how " they were slain like sacrifices themselves, some of whom “ were foreigners, and others of their own country, till the
temple was full of dead bodies: and all this was done, not " by an alien, but by one who pretended to the lawful title “ of a king, that he might complete the wicked tyranny " which his nature prompted him to, and which is hated " by all men.
On which account his father never so much as dreamed of making him his successor in the kingdom, “ when he was of a sound mind, because he knew bis dispo" sition ; and, in his former and more authentic testament, “ he appointed his antagonist Antipas to succeed; but that “ Archelaus was called by his father to that dignity, when he
was in a dying condition, both of body and mind, while “ Antipas was called when he was ripest in his judgment, " and of such strength of body as made him capable of ma“ naging his own affairs; and if his father had the like no" tion of him formerly that he hath now shewed, yet hath he “ given a sufficient specimen wbat a king he is likely to be, " when he hath [in effect] deprived Cæsar of that power of “ disposing of the kingdom, which he justly hath, and hath “ not abstained from making a terrible slaughter of his fel. “ low citizens in the temple, while he was but a private per
6. So when Antipater had made this speech, and had confirmed what he had said by producing many witnesses from among Archelaus's own relations, he made an end of his pleading. Upon which Nicolaus arose up to plead for Archelaus, and said, “ That what had been done at the temple
was rather to be attributed to the mind of those that had “ been killed, than to the authority of Archelaus; for that " those, who were the authors of such things, are not only “ wicked in the injuries they do of themselves, but in for“cing sober persons to avenge themselves upon them. Now, 66 it is evideot, that what these did in way of opposition was “ done under pretence indeed against Archelaus, but in “ reality against Cæsar himself, for they after an injurious
manner, attacked and slew those who were sent by Arche“ laus, and who came only to put a stop to their doings.
They had no regard, either to God or to the festival, whom Antipater yet is not ashamed to patronize, whether it be out of his indulgence of an enmity to Archelaus, or out
of his hatred of virtue and justice. For as to those who
begin such tumults, and first set about such unrighteous " actions, they are the men who force those that punish " them to betake themselves to arms even against their wills. “ So that Antipater in effect ascribes the rest of what was " done to all those who were of counsel to the accusers, for
nothing which is here accused of injustice has been done, 6 but what was derived from them as its authors; nor are " those things evil in themselves, but so represented only « in order to do harm to Archelaus. Such is these mens in“ clinations to do an injury to a man that is of their kindred, - their father's benefactor, and familiarly acquainted with " them, and that hath ever lived in friendship with them; " for that, as to this testament, it was made by the king when " he was of a sound mind, and so ought to be of more autho
rity than his former testament; and that for this reason, “ because Cæsar is therein left to be the judge and disposer “ of all therein contained ; and for Cæsar be will not, to be
sure, at all imitate the unjust proceedings of those men, “ who, during Herod's whole life, had on all occasions " been joint partakers of power with him, and yet do zea" lously endeavour to injure his determination, while they " have not themselves had the same regard to their kinsmen, “ (which Archelaus had]. Cæsar will not therefore disannul “ the testament of a man whom he had entirely supported, " of his friend and confederate, and that which is committed
to him in trust to ratify; nor will Cæsar's virtuous and up“ right disposition, which are known and uncontested through all the habitable world, imitate the wickedness of these
in condemning a king as a madman, and as having “ lost his reason, while he hath bequeathed the succession to
a good son of his, and to one who flies to Cæsar's upright “ determination for refuge. Nor can Herod at any time “ have been mistaken in his judgment about a successor, while “he shewed so much prudence as to submit all to Cæsar's de66 termination."
7. Now when Nicolaus had laid these things before Cæsar, he ended his plea; whereupon Cæsar was so obliging to Archelaus, that be raised bim up when be had cast himself down at his feet, and said, that * he well deserved the king.6 dom;" and he soon let them know, that he was moved in his favour, that he would not act otherwise than his father's testament directed, and than was for the advantage of Archelaus. However, while he gave this encouragement to Archelaus to depend on him securely, he made no full determination about him; and, when the assembly was broken up, he considered by himself, whether he should confirm the
kingdom to Archelaus, or whether he should part it among all Herod's posterity; and this because they all stood in need of much assistance to support them.
A sedition of the Jews against Sabinus; and how Varus
brought the authors of it to punishment. § 1. But before these things could be brought to a settlement, Malthace, Archelaus's mother, fell into a distemper, and died of it; and letters came from Varus, the president of Syria, which informed Cæsar of the revolt of the Jews; for, after Archelaus was sailed, the whole nation was in a tumult. So Varus, since he was there himself, brought the authors of the disturbance to punishment; and when he had restrained them for the most part from this sedition, which was a great one, he took his journey to Antioch, leaving one legion of his army at Jerusalem to keep the Jews quiet, who were now very fond of innovation. Yet did not this at all avail to put an end to that their sedition; for after Varus was gone away, Sabinus, Cæsar's procurator, staid behind, and greatly distressed the Jews, relying on the forces that were left there, that they would by their multitude protect him; for he made use of them, and armred them as his guards, thereby so op. pressing the Jews, and giving them so great disturbance, that at length they rebelled; for he used force in seizing the citadels, and zealously pressed on the search after the king's money, in order to seize upon it by force, on account of his love of gain, and his extraordinary covetousness.
2. But on the approach of Pentecost, which is a festival of ours so called from the days of our forefathers, a great many ten thousands of men got together; nor did they come only to celebrate the festival, but out of their indignation at the madness of Sabinus, and at the injuries he offered them. A great number there was of Galileans, and Idumeans, and many men from Jericho, and others who had passed over the river Jordan, and inhabited those parts.
This whole multitude joined themselves to all the rest, and were more zealous than the others in making an assault on Sabinus, in order to be avenged on him: so they parted themselves into three bands, and encamped themselves in the places following: some of them seized on the Hippodrome, and of the other two bands, one pitched themselves from the northern part of the temple to the southern, on the east quarter; but the third band held the western part of the city, where the king's palace was. Their work tended entirely to besiege the Romans, and to
inclose them on all sides. Now Sabinus was afraid of these mens number, and of their resolution, wbo had little regard to their lives, but were very desirous not to be overcome, while they thought it a point of puissance to overcome their enemies; so he sent immediately a letter to Varus, and, as he used to do, was very pressing with him, and entreated him to come quickly to his assistance: because the forces he had left were in imminent danger, and would probably, in no long time, he seized upon, and cut to preces; wliile he did himself get up to the highest tower of the fortress Phasaelus, which had been built in honour of Pbasaelus, king Herod's brother, and called so when the * Parthians had brought him to his death. So Sabinus gave thence a sigral to the Romans to fall upon the Jews, although he did not himself venture so much as to come down to his friends, and thought he might expect that the others should expose themselves first to die on account of bis avarice. However, the Romans ventured to make a sally out of the place, and a terrible battle ensued; wherein, though it is true the Romans beat their adversaries, yet were not the Jews daunted in their resolutions, even when they had the sight of that terrible slaughter that was made of them; but they went round about, and got upon those cloisters, which encompassed the outer court of the temple, where a great fight was still continued, and they cast stones at the Romans, partly with their hands, and partly with slings, as being much used to those exercises. All the archers also in array did the Romans a great deal of mischief; because they used their hands dexterously froin a place superior to the others, and because the others were at an utter loss what to do; for when they tried to shoot their arrows against the Jews upwards, these arrows could not reach them, insomuch that the Jews were easily too hard for their enemies. And this sort of fight lasted a great while, till at last the Romans, who were greatly distressed by what was done, set fire to the cloisters so privately, that those who were gotten upon them did not perceive it. This firet being fed by a great deal of combustible matter, caught hold immediately on the roof of the cloisters; so the wood which was full of pitch and wax, and whose gold was laid on it with wax, yielded to the fame presently, and those vast works which were of the highest value and esteem, were destroyed utterly, while those that were on the roof unexpectedly perished at the same time; for as the roof tumbled down, some of these men tumbled down with it, and others of them were killed by their enemies who encompassed them. There was a great number more, who out of despair of saving their lives, and out of astonishment at the misery that surrounded them, did either cast themselves into the fire, or threw themselves upon their own swords, and so got out of their misery. But as to those that retired behind the same way by which they ascended, and thereby escaped, they were all killed by the Romans, as being unarmed men, and their courage failing them; their wild fury being now not able to help them, because they were d'estitute of armour, insomuch that, of those that went up to the top of the roof, not one escaped. The Romans also rushed through the fire, where it gave them room so to do, and seized on that treasure where the sacred money was reposited; a great part of which was stolen by the soldiers, and Sabinus got openly four husdred talents.
* See Antiq. B. XIV, ch. xiii. sect. 10. Vol. II. and Of the War, B. I. ch. xxi. sect. 9. Vol. 11I.
+ These great devastations made about the te here, and of the War, B. Il. ch. iii. sect. S. Vol. III. seem not to have been fully re-edified in the days of Nero; till whose time there were 18000 workmen continually employed in rebuilding and repairing that temple, as Josephas informs us, Antiq. B. XX. ch. ix. sect. 7. Vol. Ill. See the note on that place.
3. But this calamity of the Jews friends, who fell in this battle, grieved them, as did also this plundering of the money dedicated to God in the temple. Accordingly that body of them which continued best together, and was the most warlike, encompassed the palace, and threatened to set fire to it, and to kill all that were in it. Yet still they commanded them to go out presently, and promised, that if they would do so, they would not hurt them, nor Sabinus neither; at which time the greatest part of the king's troops deserted to them, while Rufus and Gratus, who had three thousand of the most warlike of Herod's army with them, who were men of active bodies, went over to the Romans. There was also a band of horsemen under the command of Rufus, which itself went over to the Romans also. However the Jews went on with the siege, and dug mines under the palace walls, and besought those that were gone over to the other side, not to be their hindrance, now they had such a proper opportunity for the recovery of their country's ancient liberty : and for Sabinus, truly he was desirous of going away with his soldiers, but was not able to trust himself with the enemy, on account of what mischief he had already done them; and he took this great [pretended] lenity of theirs for an argument why he should not comply with them; and so because he expected that Varus was coming, he still bore the siege.
4. Now at this time there were ten thousand other disorders in Judea, which were like tumults; because a great number put themselves into a warlike posture, either out of hopes of gain to themselves, or out of enmity to the Jews. In particular, two thousand of Herod's old soldiers, who had