CHAPTER XXXI.

1830-4-ADMINISTRATION OF GOVERNOR REYNOLDS.

The Gubernatorial Candidates, their Lives and Characters-The Campaign-The Wiggins Loan-Impeachment of Supreme Judge Smith-W. L. D. Ewing Governor for 15 days.

In August, 1830, another gubernatorial election was to take place. The candidates were William Kinney, then lieutenant governor, and John Reynolds, formerly one of the associate justices of the supreme court, both of the dominant party. Since 1826, the Jackson party had been regnant in both houses of the general assembly. The opposition, or anti-Jackson men, brought forward no candidate for governor at this election; they were in a hopeless minority. In Illinois party principles had not taken deep root, nor were they as yet well defined anywhere by the position of president Jackson. Those who were ardently and uncompromisingly attached to the fortunes of Gen. Jackson, were denominated, in the political slang of the period, "whole hog men." Mr. Kinney was a strong example of the thorough-going Jackson men. Of those who nominally espoused the cause of Jackson, not unmixed with policy perhaps, as that party was so largely in the majority, while at the same time, the support of the antiJackson men was not unacceptable, was Mr. Reynolds, who, it should be added, however, had always consistently acted with the Jackson party. The opposition, influenced not so much by any clearly defined party principles, as a dislike to the strong, arbitrary and personal characteristics of Gen. Jackson, came to the support of Reynolds, not on account of love for the latter, but of their hatred toward the former. Kinney had been to Washington and witnessed the inauguration of president Jackson, and was thought to have much agency in directing removals from federal offices in Illinois. It was reported he said, in his peculiar graphic manner, that the whigs ought to be whipped out of office "like dogs out of a meat house."*

Mr. Kinney was born 1781, in Kentucky, and emigrated to Illinois, in 1793. As has before been stated, he acquired his education after marriage, being taught its rudiments by his wife. By unwearied application he became remarkable for intelligence and business capacity. Shortly after his early marriage, contracted with a most estimable lady, he removed to a farm a short distance northeast of Belleville, and before long Mr. Von Phul, of St. Louis, induced him to engage in merchandizing. He brought his first

'Reynolds' Life and Times.

stock of goods from St. Louis, at one load on horse-back. He prospered as a merchant, became an extensive trader, and accumulated a fortune. Firmly impressed with religious convictions, he early became a member of the baptist church, and afterward forcibly preached the faith of that denomination of christians. He frequently had the honor of a seat in the legislature where he was noted for close attention to business. He was of a social disposition, and had gathered a wonderful store of pithy anecdotes, which served him a good purpose in electioneering. He was regarded as one of the best political canvassers in the State, possessing unbounded energy and great ambition. With his strong partisan bias he associated a rare jovial and witty pleasantry, which made him very acceptable in his intercourse with the people. Notwithstanding his clerical calling, which he did not lay aside while in quest of office, he availed himself fully of the worldly practice of those days in elections, by "treating" with intoxicating liquors, as did all other candidates. It was wittily remarked of him that he was invincible, because he went forth to the contest "armed with the sword of the Lord and the spirit." Yet with all these favorable traits, he was not sufficiently guarded during the canvass in his sarcastic utterances, which were caught up and distorted by his enemies, to his disadvantage. His strong denominational prejudices and clerical calling, induced him occasionally to berate other churches, which he discovered from the drift of things to be arrayed against him, often from no other than sectarian motives. He also arrayed himself in opposition to the canal, then much before the public, not on account of its intrinsic or public value, but because that great improvement would send a tide of "Yankee" emigrants to the State, which he and his ultra partisans affected to despise ever since the defeat of the proposition to introduce slavery into the State six years before. These sentiments, inconsiderately expressed, did him much injury in the campaign.

His opponent, John Reynolds, was born in Pennsylvania, in 1788, of Irish parents, who removed to Tennessee while he was an infant, and to Illinois in 1800. In early manhood young Reynolds returned to Tennessee, where he received a "classical education,” as he asserts in his "Life and Times," but for this assertion no one would ever have suspected it, either from his conversation, public addresses, or writings. He was reared among a frontier people, and imbibed their characteristics of manners, customs, and speech-disliked polish, contemned fashion, and was addicted to inordinate profanity, all of which attached to him through life, of none of which he took any pains to divest himself, and much of which is said to have been affected, which we doubt. These, garnished by his varied reading, a native shrewdness, and a wonderful faculty of garrulity, make him, considering the high offices to which he attained, one of the public oddities in the annals of Illinois. His imagination was fertile, but his ideas were poured forth regardless of logical sequence, evidencing his Milesian blood. He had an extraordinary, disconnected sort of memory, and possessed a large fund of detached facts relative to the early settlement of St. Clair and Randolph counties, which are embod ied by him in a work entitled the "Pioneer History of Illinois,"

and are in the main correct and valuable, though badly arranged.* He was tall of stature; his face long, bony and deeply furrowed, and under his high, narrow forehead rolled his eyes, large and liquid, expressive of volubility. His nose projected well downward to his ample mouth. He was kindly by nature, treasured few resentments, and was ever ready to do a favor. His thoroughly democratic manners, social disposition and talkative habit caused him to mingle readily with the people and enjoy their confidence. He was much in public life. We have noted him as a judge; he served three terms in congress, was afterward commissioned (most unwisely) one of the State financial agents to negotiate large loans to carry on the State internal improvements, visiting Europe in this capacity; still again we find him in the legislature. He always claimed the staunchest adhesion to the democratic party. In 1858, however, he refused to follow the lead of Douglas, but sided with President Buchanan in his effort to fasten slavery upon Kansas by the Lecompton constitution, and his hatred of Douglas was such that he preferred Mr. Lincoln for the senate. In 1860, old and infirm, he attended the Charleston convention as an anti-Douglas delegate. Owing to his age, his extreme pro-slavery views and loquaciousness, no man from the north received more attention from the southern delegates than he. He supported Breckinridge for the presidency. After the elections of October, in Ohio, Indiana and Pennsylvania, had foreshadowed the success of Mr. Lincoln, he however published an address urging democrats to rally to the support of Douglas, that the election might be thrown into congress, where Breckinridge would succeed. Immediately preceding, and during the war of the rebellion, his correspondence with extra-Billy Smith of Virginia, and his letter to his brother-in-law, J. L. Wilson of Alabama, which was widely circulated, evinced a clear sympathy for the treason of the south. About the 1st of March, 1861, he urged upon Buchanan officials the seizure of the treasure and arms in the custom-house and arsenal at St. Louis. He died at Belleville, May, 1865. He left no will, and his fine property descended to his wife, who survived him but a few months. He had no children by either of his wives.

During the political campaign, Reynolds professed great admiration for the character of Jackson, though he was not accounted ultra enough by the real Jackson men who denounced him as an "outsider." He and his competitor made a thorough canvass of the State, and party excitement ran exceedingly high. Much personality entered into it, and bitter reproaches were indulged by the partisans of the respective candidates. The press was loaded with abusive articles on both sides, and hand-bills were scattered broadcast, containing distorted reports of the speeches of the candidates, and all sorts of scandalous charges. After a wearisome campaign of near 18 months, Reynolds was elected governor.

But with regard to the election for lieutenant governor, the same result did not obtain; it was the same as four years before. Rigdon B. Slocumb was on the ticket with Reynolds, and Zadock Casey with Mr. Kinney. Both candidates for lieutenant governor

"He writes: "In the year 1794, the Morrison family emigrated to Illinois. They were talented, industrious, and became very wealthy. In the same year the horse fies were very bad, and of these the green headed fly was the worst.'

were gentlemen of sterling worth, character and ability. Slocumb was unused to the not uncommon accomplishment of the American politician, public speaking; nor did he electioneer much, it is said, in any other manner. Not so however with Casey; he was gifted with the power of charming oratory, Although lacking in thorough early education, by comprehensive reading he had stored his mind, naturally strong, with varied knowledge. He had frequently been a member of the legislature, and his fine personal appearance and large public experience gave him distinction throughout the State. Like his colleague, he, too, occupied the pulpit occasionally. The clerical ticket was somewhat injured by the fact that the people could not brook the worldly aspirations of men engaged in a calling so militant to honors that perish; but this objection did not extend to both gentlemen, for Casey was elected. Governor Casey possessed in an eminent degree the commanding tact of presiding over a deliberative body.

In his message, Governor Reynolds invited attention to the subject of education, internal improvement and the canal; urged that congress be memorialized to improve Chicago harbor; recommended three public highways, commencing respectively at Cairo, Shawneetown, and on the lower Wabash, all to terminate at the lead mines; the completion of the penitentiary; winding up of the old State bank; and, inocculated with his predecessor's theory, stated he was "satisfied that this State, in right of its sovereignty and independence, [was] the rightful owner of the soil within its limits." But His Excellency advocated no hobby, and his administration was not strongly personal.

The governor was not in political accord with a majority of the senate, and the usual conflicts between that body and the executive obtained. The senate desired the removal of A. P. Field, secretary of State, and with that view passed a resolution requesting his renomination-that they might reject him.* But the governor refused compliance, and would neither remove nor renominate him. He renominated Henry Eddy, Sidney Breese, Thomas Ford, and Alfred Cowles, who had been efficient and acceptable prosecuting attorneys, but as they had opposed the election of Kinney, the senate rejected them and turned all out of office, except Thomas Ford. They were again nominated and again rejected; but after the adjournment of the legislature, the governor reappointed them. He succeeded in having his choice of treasurer, John Dement, confirmed by the senate. Dement was an ultra Jackson man, but had supported Reynolds. The incumbent Judge James Hall, desired to be retained in the office; and although an antiJackson man, he had, as editor of the Illinois Intelligencer, with much power, supported Kinney; but this failed to avail him. That curious political posture would indicate both aspirants to the treas urership to have been governed in their course more by the hope of office than by party principles. But that is a weakness not peculiar to those days alone.t

Among the measures passed at the first legislative session of Reynolds' administration may be noted the adaptation of the criminal code to the penitentiary system. But the most notable measure of this session was the passage of the act providing for the

"Reynolds' Life and Times.

+Hall, as Treasurer, was in arrears withe State.

redemption of the notes of the old State bank, which would mature during the current year. The notorious "Wiggins loan" of $100,000 was authorized, and if that proved insufficient to redeem the out-standing notes, the residue was to be refunded by issuing State stocks bearing 6 per centum annual interest. This speedily raised the credit of the State and advanced its currency to par. But while the financial standing of the State was thus preserved, the honorable members who actively authorized it, it is said, sunk beneath the waves of popular indignation, never to rise again as politicians. The value of a financial character for the young State, or the disgrace of repudiation, was not duly appreciated by the people. Demogogues availed themselves of this and proclaimed to the people that their representatives had corruptly betrayed their interests, and sold out them and the State to Wiggins for generations to come. The members quailed before the first onset of public indignation as if stricken with the enormity of their wrong. Truth was crushed to earth never to rise again, in the case of these politicians. A blight swept over the State and laid low many promising buds of incipient statesmen. It is left for us at this day, who look back with swelling pride to the fact that our State has emerged from every impending financial crisis with her garments unsullied, to appreciate the merits of their act, only regretting that they did not boldly defend their course and hold up to public scorn the unprincipled demagogues who inflamed the people to the contrary.*

The United States census returns of 1830 showed a population for Illinois of 157,445, and in accordance therewith the State was apportioned into three congressional districts. Up to this time the State had had but one representative in the lower house of congress. A special election for one congressman was ordered for August 1831, at which Joseph Duncan was elected; but for the general election of August 1832, and every two years thereafter-it being provided that congressmen should be elected one year and over prior to taking their seats-three members were to be elected. Joseph Duncan, Zadock Casey (the lieutenant governor,) and Charles Slade were elected.

In his message to the session of the general assembly of 1832-3, governor Reynolds stated the ordinary receipts into the treasury for the two years ending November 30th, 1832, to be in round numbers, $102,000; the current expenses of the State government for the same period, were, in round numbers, $90,000. This indicated a healthy condition of the State finances, when it is considered that the Black Hawk war occurred during this period. The expenses of that war amounting to some two million dollars,† were however assumed by the general government. At this session the first earnest efforts were made to build railroads; several charters were granted incorporating railroad companies, but no stock, it is said, was ever subscribed to any of them. It was proposed to build a railroad from Lake Michigan to the Illinois river in place of the canal; surveys for the Northern Cross road (now the T. W. & W.,) and for the Central, from Peru to Cairo, were also proposed.

'Ford's History.

+Brown's Illinois, 355.