that under the constitution congress possesses the power to prohibit slavery in the territories; and that whilst we will maintain all constitutional rights of the south, we also hold that justice, humanity, the principles of freedom as expressed in our declaration of independence, and our national constitution and the purity and perpetuity of our government require that that power should be exerted to prevent the extension of slavery into territories heretofore free.

Resolved, That the repeal of the Missouri compromise was unwise, unjust, and injurious; an open and aggravated violation of the plighted faith of the States, and that the attempt of the present administration to force slavery into Kansas against the known wishes of the legal voters of that territory, is an arbitrary and tyrannous violation of the rights of the people to govern themselves, and that we will strive by all constitutional means to secure to Kansas and Nebraska the legal guaranty against slavery of which they were deprived at the cost of the violation of the plighted faith of the nation.

Resolved, That we are devoted to the union and will, to the last extremity, defend it against the efforts now being made by the disunionists of this administration to compass its dissolution, and that we will support the constitution of the United States in all its provisions, regarding it as the sacred bond of our union, and the only safeguard for the preservation of the rights of ourselves and our posterity.

Resolved, That we are in favor of the immediate admission of Kansas as a member of this confederacy, under the constitution adopted by the people of said territory. Resolved, That the spirit of our institutions as well as the constitution of our country, guaranties the liberty of conscience as well as political freedom, and that we will proscribe no one, by legislation or otherwise, on account of religious opinions, or in consequence of place of birth."

Resolutions approving of the course of Senator Trumbull, and condemning that of Senator Douglas were also adopted; one by Mr. Wentwork, in favor of an economical administration of the affairs of the State; and one by O. H. Browning, that the proceedings of the convention be signed by all the officers, and published. The State central committee appointed consisted of J. C. Conkling of Sangamon, Asabel Gridley of McLean, B. C. Cook of LaSalle, and C. H. Ray and N. B. Judd of Cook.

It will be observed that the platform omits to demand the repeal of the fugitive slave law, omits to assert the right of trial by jury for the captured slave, and omits to claim the writ of habeas corpus in his behalf; nor is the institution of slavery denounced as the sum of all villainies. The Hon. Owen Lovejoy, an original abolitionist, who had vainly endeavored in the legislature, in 1855, to commit the new party to a declaration against the admission of more slave States into the Union and in favor of the repeal of the fugitive slave law, which, by the way, received a large vote in that body at the time, now in the convention strove to have a plank inserted in the platform which would reflect a more advanced position for the party, but was defeated. But with a keen insight into the future, he observed that while he would like to have inoculated them with the virus more thoroughly at the time, he didn't care much; for having been exposed to the infection they would all take the disease in the natural way, and break out all over with it before the campaign was ended anyhow-which was the case.

The personnel of the republican ticket thus made showed that the Chicago Tribune, bespeaking for advanced republicanism a subordinate part-the post of honor as privates in the battlewas taken at its words, for not a pure and simple republican received a place on the ticket. It was a coalition which the republicans were content to support with the hope of future reward. They did not reckon without their host. Success, the touchstone of all human undertakings, attended them, and cemented all these various elements into one great and homogeneous party, leading to the most radical results. With success, all the halting, the timid and the doubting ones, now perhaps beholding the reward of office in the future, became immediately the most pronounced and unyielding, if not radical, partisans.

It has been supposed that the whig and know-nothing parties were wholly absorbed by the republican party. Such is only partly true. It is true in the northern part of the State, perhaps, but not in the central and southern parts. In the latter, while the democratic party contributed largely toward its ranks, it received back a greater number of whigs. The Germans, wholly democratic in Madison and St. Clair counties, went over almost in a body, but the whigs of Sangamon, Tazewell, Morgan and Adams largely joined the democracy, where they are to this day.

The repeal of the Missouri compromise was both a party blunder and mistaken statesmanship. The south, with a sectional institution in its midst, ought to have broadly appreciated the great north with its giant steps toward empire, its teeming millions, its innumerable work-shops, skilled laborers and vast industries. In the face of this, while it had practical control of the government, its policy was to excite into being the party whose principles, however they may be said in the abstract to have been national by approximating to the landmarks of the fathers, were sectional, because it opposed the spread of an institution which was itself sectional; and it became national only through the operation of a war madly precipitated by the south. The party which ostensibly sought only to restrain the sectionalism of the south, has accomplished greater and mightier deeds than the most ardent abolitionist of 25 years ago could have dreamed. And what it has done it has done so thoroughly that it can never be undone. It has abolished slavery; raised more than 5,000,000 of negroes to citizenship, and enfranchised them-all this by constitutional provisions.

W. H. Bissell was elected governor by a plurality of 4,729 votes over Col. Richardson; Morris, K. N., receiving 19,241 votes for the same office, while Buchanan's plurality over Fremont was 9,164; Filmore, K. N., receiving 37,451. The legislature was democratic. The democracy had thrown no obstacles in the way of the opposi tion dividing upon Filmore, but rather encouraged it; but the main reason why Buchanan carried the State and Richardson failed was owing to the former's want of identification with the repeal of the Missouri compromise, though he had accepted the Cincinnati platform and dilated upon the beauties of popular sovereignty. It was, in spite of this, believed that in his convictions and policy he would be apart from its principles, and break faith with its devoted friends-an opinion which proved prophetic within the year of his installation. The Missouri Democrat, while it espoused republi canism and supported Bissell, by a strange inconsistency, labored even with republicans to separate Buchanan in the public mind. from the outrage of the repeal of the Missouri compromise.

We close this chapter by the concluding portion of Mr. Lincoln's speech made after the election at the republican banquet in Chicago, Dec. 17, 1856:

"All of us who did not vote for Mr. Buchanan, taken together, are a majority of 400,000. But in the late contest we were divided between Fremont and Filmore. Can we not come together for the future? Let every one who really believes, and is resolved, that free society is not, and shall not be, a failure, and who can conscientiously declare that in the past contest he has done only what he thought best-let every such an one have charity to believe that every other one can say as much. Thus let by-gones be by-gones. Let past differences as nothing be, and with steady

eye on the real issue, let us re inaugurate the good old 'central ideas' of the republic. We can do it. The human heart is with us-God is with us. We shall again be able not to declare that 'all States, as States, are equal,' nor yet that 'all citizens, as citizens, are equal,' but to renew the broader, better declaration, including both these and much more, that all men are created equal.'"'

CHAPTER L.

1857-1861-ADMINISTRATION OF GOVERNOR BISSELL. Life and Character of the Governor-Gross Attack upon him in the Legislature on Account of his Dueling Affair-Turbulence of Party Strife and want of Official Courtesy-Disfraceful Action in Organizing the House-Apportionment Bills of 1857-9 -The Canal Scrip Fraud-The McAllister and Stebbins Bonds

Aside from the general excitement incident to our quadrennial political campaigns, that of 1856, owing to its sectional character, was more than ordinarily bitter. The contest for State and local offices in Illinois, where the new republican party had developed unexpected strength two years before, was unusually acrimonious and personal. Of the candidates for governor, Richardson canvassed the State thoroughly, but Bissell, owing to his physical ailment, was unable to do so, and made but one speech, which was to his old neighbors at Belleville. But his character throughout the campaign was the target of vindictive assaults, some of which he felt himself impelled to deny as utterly untrue. In let ters addressed to the Quincy Herald and Springfield Register he took occasion to repel the charges that in 1851, as the paid attorney for the capitalists who sought the incorporation of the Illinois Central Railroad, he had been authorized to offer 10 per cent. of the gross earnings of the road for the charter, or that he had from his knowledge of public men in the legislature, labored as a lobbyist with Mr. Rantoul to obtain the reduction to 7 per cent. to the lasting detriment of the treasury of the State.

Upon Richardson was concentrated and poured out all the pent up rage of the opposition. He, it was urged, as a northern man, next to Douglas, had advocated in congress with determined zeal, persistence and effectiveness the disturbance of the Missouri compromise, and was joint author in opening the Pandora's box to precipitate the evils of slavery agitation upon the entire country, and a border war upon the ill-fated territory of Kansas, to crush out her freedom for the purpose of enlarging the area of human bondage. These impassioned appeals told with effect upon the people-Bissell was elected by a plurality of 4,729 votes over Richardson. The legislature, nearly balanced, was politi cally opposed to the governor elect. The senate stood, 13 democrats, 11 republicans and 1 American (K. N.); house, 37 democrats, 31 republicans and 6 Americans, besides a contested election case from Peoria, which was the occasion of a fierce partisan struggle, as we shall see.

William H. Bissell was born April 25, 1811, in the State of New York, near Painted Post, Yates county. His parents were obscure, honest, God-fearing people, who reared their children under the daily example of industry and frugality, as is the wont of that class of eastern society. Young Bissell received a respectable but not thorough academical education. By application he acquired a knowledge of medicine, and in his early manhood came west and located in Monroe county, Illinois, where he engaged in the practice of that profession. But he was not enamored of his calling; he was swayed by a broader ambition, and the mysteries of the healing art and its arduous duties possessed no charms for him. In a few years he discovered his choice of a profession to be a mistake; and when he approached the age of 30 sought to begin anew. Dr. Bissell, no doubt unexpectedly to himself, discovered a singular facility and charm of speech, the exercise of which acquired him ready local notoriety. It soon came to be understood that he desired to abandon his profession and take up that of the law. During terms of court he would spend his time at the county seat among the members of the bar, who extended to him a ready welcome.

It was not strange that he should drift into public life. In 1840 he was elected as a democrat to the legislature from Monroe county and made an efficient member. On his return home he qualified himself for admission to the bar and speedily rose to front rank as an advocate. His powers of oratory were captivat ing: with a pure diction, charming and inimitable gestures, clearness of statement, and a remarkable vein of sly humor, his efforts before a jury told with almost irresistible effect. He was chosen by the legislature prosecuting attorney for the circuit in which he lived, in which position he fully discharged his duty to the State, gained the esteem of the bar, and seldom failed to convict the offender of law. In stature he was somewhat tall and slender, and with a straight, military bearing presented a distin guished appearance. His complexion was dark, his head well poised, though not large, his address pleasant and manner winning. He was exemplary in habits, a devoted husband, and kind and indulgent parent. He was twice married, the first time to Miss James, of Monroe county, by whom he had 2 children, both daughters, now living in Belleville. She died soon after 1840. His second wife was a daughter of Elias K. Kane, formerly United States senator from this State. She survived him but a short time, and died without issue.*

When war was declared with Mexico, in 1846, he enlisted and was elected colonel of his regiment, over Hon. Don. Morrison, by an almost unanimous vote-807 to 6. For his opportunities he evinced a high order of military talent. On the bloody field of Buena Vista he acquitted himself with intrepid and distinguished ability, contributing with his regiment, the 2d Illinois, in no small degree toward saving the wavering fortunes of our arms during that long and fiercely contested battle.

After his return home, at the close of the war, he was elected to congress, his opponents being the Hons. P. B. Fouke and Joseph Gillespie. He served two terms in congress. He was an ardent politician. During the great contest of 1850 he voted in favor of Letter from the Hon. Joseph Gillespie.