unavoidably expofed to a wetting, with a proper cordial to counteract the pernicious effects of fuch an accident; whole gangs being, on thefe occafions, ferved either with a dram, or an allowance of warm toddy.'

In a difpute of this kind, it is impoffible to determine, without local knowlege, which of the parties is fupported by truth. Mr. Ramfay's obfervations may not be univerfally applicable to the conduct of all the planters, in each of our West India islands; nor did he ever affirm them to be fo; but we cannot help thinking that, in particular parts, there might be found fufficient evidence to confirm the reprefentation he has exhibited; and we muft, on this occafion, fo far interpofe our own fentiments, as to. exprefs the extreme abhorrence which we feel at the ungenerous and unprovoked attempt, made by all his opponents, to calumniate his character. His Effay was of a political and moral nature, entirely relative to the general rights of human kind, and ought never to have excited the planters, or their advocates, to perfonal invective and fcurrility. But this is too frequently the reward of a public-fpirited writer, who attempts to overthrow a system which is strongly supported by the interefts or prejudices of a numerous body of men.

A Reply to the perfonal Invectives and Objections contained in Two Anfwers, published by certain Anonymous Perfons, to an Efay on the Treatment and Converfion of African Slaves, in the British Colonies, by James Ramjay, M. A. Vicar of Tefton. 80. 25. Phillips.

IN

N this pamphlet Mr. Ramfay vindicates himfelf from the injurious afperfions of his opponents, with all the honeft indignation extorted by unmerited reproach, and with the acuteness of a man of ability. The fubject is of too personal a nature to affect the determination of the controversy. But candid readers, in general, will be ready to admit, that a caufe which is obviously maintained from interested motives, and enforced with detraction, is not likely to be founded, whatever its advocates may pretend, in principles confiftent with the dictates of philofophy or religion. From the good opinion we entertain both of Mr. Ramfay's veracity and judgment, and likewife from the fatisfactory manner in which he replies to the objections of his antagonists, we could have no juft caufe to hesitate with regard to the credibility of the reprefentations he has made; but, with that anxiety which is natural to a man of principle, when labouring under fufpicion or obloquy, he has condefcended to fupport the moft effential

Ff4

part

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part of his affertions by other authority than his own. Jay before our readers the corroborating evidence which he has produced, would lead us into fuperfluous prolixity, and we fhall therefore refer to the Reply.

An Inquiry into the Effects of putting a Stop to the African Slave Trade, and of granting Liberty to the Slaves in the Briti Sugar Colonies. By the Author of the Effay on the Treatment and Converfion of African Slaves in the British Sugar Colonies. 8vo. 6d. Phillips.

THE

HE political confequences which would refult from putting a stop to the African flave-trade, conftitute a very proper fubject of enquiry for the author of the Effay which has given rife to the prefent difpute; and he informs us, in an advertifement, that he had originally intended to publish his thoughts on fuch an event at an earlier period, as a defence of the abolition which he propofed. Mr. Ramfay acknowledges he is of opinion, that the fugar trade, with which that for flaves is at prefent connected, is of the utmost importance to the state; and that any fudden shock which affects it, will be widely and deeply felt. But to prepare for the abolition of flavery, he proposes that we should endeavour at establishing factories on the coaft of Africa, where, on account of the warmth of the climate, the feveral productions of the West India islands might be cultivated.

Were Africa civilized, fays he, and could we pre-occupy the affections of the natives, and introduce gradually our religion, manners, and language among them, we thould open a market, that would fully employ our manufacturers and feamen, morally fpeaking till the end of time. And while we enriched ourfelves, we fhould contribute to their happiness, For Africa, in its highest probable ftate of culture, could not poffibly interfere with the ftaple of Britain, fo as to hinder an extenfive and mutually advantageous trade from being carried on between the countries. The great difference of climate and foil must always diftinguifh the fupplies and wants of each.'

Should it be objected, that if we abandon the African trade, our rivals will extend their share in it, by which their wealth will be immediately increased, and their fugar colonies improved to the certain advancement of their, and as certain lofs of our, naval importance, I might leave the answer to the man of morality and fentiment; but I fear not to encounter it in a political view. That the African trade is in itself deftructive to our feamen, is known to every person who has an acquaintance with it. Indeed, a mortality among his crew in the middle paffage (from Africa to the Weft Indies) is a pleafant thing to a Guinea captain, of which he is not often dif

appointed

appointed. It faves the hip a great expence in wages; for many more mariners are wanted to collect the flaves on the coaft, than to navigate the ship after fhe is fully loaded, And it is not obfcurely hinted, that ill-ufage, at leaft, has often been tried, in order to produce it; which if it has not its full effect on the paffage, makes the feamen quit the fhip as foon as the arrives in the West Indies. I mean not here an undiftinguishing cenfure; however oddly it may found, I have, in this line, known men of feeling, that were far above fuch vile notions of parfimony. But the greatest advocate for the trade will not fay, that thefe laft are the most numerous party,

Now if the flave trade were changed for an ordinary commerce, or mutual barter of commodities with Africa, this temptation to destroy or diffipate feamen would be taken away. Some fhips would load on the African coaft directly for Britain; others would load with cattle, mules, rice, pipe-ftaves, &c, for the fugar colonies. One great cause of an alarm in the fugar colonies, from the checking of their intercoufe with America, is the loss of a market for their rum. This might be most profitably exchanged, by fitting it for the African market, and giving it in return for African commodities. The quantity of goods exchanged for flaves in Africa, is perhaps the leaft object of that commerce. The annual British exports to Africa are not eftimated higher than .500,000, including a confiderable quantity that is ufually exchanged with American and other foreign traders on the coaft; about £.50,000 of this is returned in ivory, gold duft, &c. The greatest part of profits of the flave trade is raised on the fugar planter. It is true, flaves grow every year dearer on the coait, in proportion as the Africans become better acquainted with the value fet by the white traders on their wretched countrymen. But at their highest price they have feldom, if ever, come up to one-third of what they fold for in the Weft Indies, if valued as the goods for which they were bought were shipt in Britain. Till lately, a great proportion was bought on the coaft, at a fixth part of what the planter was obliged to pay for them. It is also to be remarked, that our prefent trade to Africa is confined to a few tyrants and their brokers. But were the country once çivilized, every perfon in it, who could labour with his hands, would make a demand on our manufactures, and extend our commerce. The change then proposed here, fo far from leffen ing our trade, and the number of our feamen, would extend the one, and preferye and increase the other in an almost ineftimable proportion; and we have plainly fhewn, that its effect on the trade of the new empire of America ought not to be the object of our concern.'

Mr. Ramfay is aware of the ojection, that our quitting the flave trade would throw a profitable branch into the hands of our rivals, improve their fugar colonies, and advance them in paval importance. But he replies, that this trade can continue

in

in no hands longer than the Negroe countries remain in a state of barbarism; and that as Britain was the moft forward in the traffic of flaves, it becomes her to be the first to labour in effecting a reformation. But he farther obferves, it is a notorious fact, that a confiderable proportion of our African trade, for the last twenty-five years, has been actually directed to the fupplying of the French colonies with flaves; and that the improvement arifing thence contributed towards their making fo formidable an appearance in the beginning of the late war. It is his opinion, likewise, confidering the extenfiveness and fertility of the French islands, particularly Hispaniola, with the habitual frugality of their planters, that in lefs than twenty years, even in fpite of our bounty of twenty fhillings per cwt. they will fupplant the fubjects of this nation in every foreign market for fugar.

The author next confiders the probable confequences which would refult to our own fugar colonies from advancing the condition of their flaves.,

That Britain, fays he, has a majority in them attached to her laws and her intereft, it would be ungenerous not freely to acknowledge; and whatever prejudices exifted among them against a connection with her, when compared with her rival, they have in a great measure been done away in the small iflands, by their late experience of the nature of a French government. Still it is not to be concealed, that in feveral of them there is a ftrong lurking bias for the new empire of America. The conduct of Barbadoes and Jamaica, in the beginning of the late conteft, marked this too ftrongly to admit of a contradiction; the reftlefs emigrations from the fugar colonies thither continue to mark it. The Americans indeed have not yet been able to give any fpecimen of liberality of fentiment to encourage this bias, or of advantages to be gained by efpoufing their caufe. But that individuals, who have occafion to with for an eafy method of paying debts, fhould delight in change, even when it promises little, needs not to be wondered at.

*

But fuppofing this bias, and the propriety of it, ftill it is a doubtful point, if any confiderable share of Weft Indian propriety will be in the families, who now poffefs it, at that pe riod when Britain and France fhall be fo weak, and America fo strong in naval force, as to allow of our fugar iflands being added as an appendage to the American empire. Though it may be an object of deliberation with whom they may beft be connected, yet it will not be difputed that they can never think of fetting up for themfelves. They must ever continue to belong to fome one or other naval power; and surely from prefent appearances no period can be affigned, when that power

hall

thall be America. Yet fuppofe every thing to happen as fpeedily as it is fondly imagined, and obferve the confequences.

America, under a republican government, can never be but a disjointed unwieldy ftate, which nothing but common danger can poffibly unite in one purpofe. If the fugar islands be connected with them, it must be by conqueft, when they are become fuperior at fea to the European naval powers. By the maxim on which America feparated from Britain, no countries, between which feas intervene, can be incorporated together, The fugar colonies, therefore, can never hope to be allowed to partake of any particular American conftitution. They muft be governed as conquests belonging to the union. When they were firit fettled, it was by Englishmen, entitled to all the privileges and laws of the mother country, and preferving all the rights and claims of citizens. But when fubdued by an American fquadron, they will be confidered as a defpifed part of an hated people. Some American rice or tobacco planter, who perhaps has the clanking of the chains of his own famished flaves ringing in his ears, will make flaming speeches against fugar planters. He will call them inexorable tyrants over helplels flaves. He will advife to have them treated as flaves; and he will offer himself to be the inftrument, because he is well acquainted with the mode.-When this defired change commences in the fugar colonies, what a fine outlet will there be for all the turbulent fpirits of America in filling the departments of law, police, customs, and every civil establishment, not omiting the confifcations, that fagacious intereft will discover or make. Perhaps, when too late, the indolent rule of Britain, then no more, may be an object of regret.'

Mr. Ramfay is too wife to imagine, that any project of the kind which he fuggefts thould immediately operate on the public. The most that can be hoped, as he obferves, is dually to correct and inform common opinion.

gra

But, fays he, fuppofe a ftatute enacted, that the prefent flave trade fhould ceafe after a period of three or fix years, every planter would immediately fet himself seriously to stock his plantation, and to give fuch orders for the treatment of his flaves, as would favour their health and population. This in the mean time would divert our flave trade from the improvement of the French colonies to that of our own: and the end of the period would find the feveral islands in a state of opus lence and happiness that they never yet have experienced, and prepared for that extenfion of privileges, and unexcepting freedom, which is the fcope of our argument. But in making this fuppofition, I mean not to be accountable for thofe barbarities, and outrages to humanity, that the fhorteft existence of the flave trade muft in the mean time neceffarily occafion.'

Our author's plan of preparing for the abolition of flavery, by introducing civilization in Africa, is a fuggeftion entirely

con