ESSAY I.

UNIVERSALITY OF ASTARTE.

545

some relationship to that of Phoenicia: though they are not Phonician, for the Phoenicians would not have made such rude monuments. Diodorus (v. 12) confirms what we know from other sources, that Malta" was colonised by the Phoenicians, on their way to the West, as well as Gaulus (Gozo), which was first frequented by them," and where similar ruins are found, and on a grander scale (called the Torre dei Giganti).

Some coins of Malta have a figure of Osiris, with four similar wings, on the reverse.

The Great Goddess of the East, Astarte, is found in all the colonies of the Phoenicians; in Cyprus, Sardinia, Malta, and Spain; and she also occurs among

the deities of the Etrus(See note on Book

cans.

vii. ch. 166.) Her cap is the same as on many of the small heads found in Cyprus. (See Herod. i. 106.) It was sometimes turreted (like that of Cybele), as on the coins of Sidon, Gaza, Aradus,

No. 5. Found at Idalium, in Cyprus.

and others, where she is frequently seen standing on the prow of a boat, being the protectress of mariners, as well as of seaports. In Paphos, as in Syria, she was worshipped under the form of a conical stone, instead of a statue, which is figured on the coins of Cyprus (Tacit. Hist. ii. 3) with the area before the temple mentioned by Pliny. Astarte was even admitted into the Egyptian Pantheon, and she was "Venus the Stranger," mentioned by Herodotus at Memphis. (See note 6 on Book ii. ch. 112.) The name of Astarte is in Hebrew лney, Ashtarth or Astart, or, as we write it, Ashteroth, Ashtaroth, or Astaroth (Gen. xiv. 5; Judg. ii. 13; Deut. i. 4). Ashtarôth (1 Sam. vii. 4) is a plural form, like Baalim; and Baalim and Ashtaroth answered to "gods and goddesses." The Venus of Persia, Anaïtis, was worshipped also in Assyria and Armenia (Strabo, xi. p. 352; xii. p. 385; xv. p. 504), as some think as early as the time of Cyrus, but more probably much later. (See above in this Essay, p. 538.) Macrobius (Saturn. iii. 7) speaks of a bearded Venus in Cyprus, and says she is called by Aristophanes "Aphroditos" (comp. Hesychius and Serv. on Virg.

VOL. II.

2 N

19.

546

BAAL-MOLOCH-CHEMOSH.

APP. BOOK III.

Æn. ii. v. 632), apparently according with the notion of Jupiter being of two sexes, as well as of many characters, and with the Egyptian notion of a self-producing and self-engendering deity. (See Orphic Fragm., and Appendix to Bk. ii. ch. 3, pp. 284-286.) This union. of the two sexes is found also in Hindoo mythology, and is similarly emblematic of the generative and productive principles.

There were other deities in Syria (Judg. x. 6); as the Great Baal, Belus, the "Lord," "master" (Hercules, or the sun); and Molech, or Moloch (Melek) the "king," the Milcom "of the Ammonites," perhaps "the High King," or "their king." (Amos v. 26; 1 Kings xi. 5, 7.) Some have thought Baal and Bel (Isaiah xlvi. 1) different gods. Baal and Molech (like Adonai) were really titles of the god (see note on ch. 32, Bk. ii.) which are found united in the name of Malach-Bêlus, mentioned with Agli-bôlus, as a Deity of the country in an inscription at Palmyra; and as the former was the Sun, the latter was the God Moon (Lunus), whose name was derived from agl, "to rotate." (Cf. the Arabic agl, a wheel.") Melek is from the same root as Amlak, "take hold of," " possess," or "rule,” and memlook, “ruled," "slave;" but Amalek (Amlek Py) and Amalekite (Amleki) are not related to Melek, or Moloch, 2.

There were also Chemosh (Kemôsh) of the Moabites (1 Kings xi. 7) thought to be the Khem of Egypt; Nebo, "his Lord," supposed to be Mercury; Muth, or "death," answering to Pluto; and others noticed in sacred and profane history. Baaltis, or Dionê of Byblus, mentioned by Sanconiatho, was probably a female Baal, and a character of Astarte, and the Cypress (still retained in the East as an ornamental device and as a funereal tree) was sacred to her as the Persea was to Athor. Baal had various characters, as Baal-Berith (Judg. viii. 33), of Shechem; Baal-Markôs, to whom a temple was dedicated near Berytus (Beiroot), with altars to "Jovi Baal-Markôdi," perhaps the same as Merodach (Jerem. 1. 2) or Merdok (whence Mardokempalus, the fourth successor of Nabonassar in the Canon of Ptolemy). Pul, Phul, and Pal, were Baal, or Belus. Baal, as well as "Hλos, is connected with the Semitic Al, "God,” and from him Baalbek (Heliopolis) received its name. Comp. the Welsh Haul, "sun;" the Moso-Gothic Uil, "sun;" and the Gothic Ell, "fire." The sun-god Bella, or Boora-Pennu, "god of light," of the Khonds, also recalls the Epirotic name Pieli; though this is perhaps only similar to the Slavonic bielo, "white," to which a Slavonian author pretends Baal to be related. Some derive Baal

ESSAY I.

HERCLE-REMPHAN-KHEM-AMUN.

547

from Ba, "father," and al, "god;" as Babel (Babylon) was from Bab-el (or Ilu), "gate of god." Damascius says the Phoenicians and Syrians call Chronos HA, Bîλ, and Boxɑtǹ, and Sanchoniatho, quoted by Eusebius, makes 'Ixos the same as Chronos. (See note 7 on Bk. ii. ch. 44.)

Among the Syrian gods, Selden (de Diis Syr.) mentions Ourchol 20. (cf. Our, "light") the same as Arcles, whence Hercules, the Etruscan Hercle, or Erkle; Nonnus makes Hercules the Babylonian sun; he was the Phoenician Baal, and the Hercules of Egypt was also connected with Re. (See notes on Bk. ii. ch. 43, and Bk. iii. ch. 8.) It is singular that Africanus calls one of the Shepherd-kings Arcles or Archles; and Dr. Cumberland thinks Certes to be Melicertes, or Melkarthus, the name of the Hercules of Tyre. (See note on Bk. ii. ch. 104.) Melkarthus means Lord of the city;" and Molech, "of the Ammonites," is probably this name of Hercules; Kartha, "the city," being omitted. (See note on Book ii. ch. 44.)

66

The Syrian god Rimmon (2 Kings v. 18) appears from his name 21. Rimôn, "pomegranate," to be related to the Jupiter of Mount Casius, whose statue held that fruit in its hand (Achilles Tatius, iii.); and Remphan, whose star the Israelites worshipped (Acts vii. 43) at the same time with Moloch and Chiun (Amos v. 26), is thought to be the same as the Egyptian God of War, Ranpo-a foreign deity, who is found in Egypt with a goddess standing on a lion, apparently also of foreign introduction, answering to the Phrygian Cybele, or "Mother Earth." (See At. Eg., plate 69.) The mention of the star with Remphan (in Acts) and with Chiun (in Amos) has made some suppose these to be the same deity; but the name of the Egyptian goddess on the lion is Chen or Ken; and it is remarkable that she occurs on the same stela with Ranpo and Anata (evidently Anaïtis), the Egyptian Bellona. Some think Chiun to be the Chons (Hercules) of Egypt, and the Saturn of the Syrians. The resemblance of Ken to Chiun, Ranpo to Remphan, Anata to Anaïtis in Egypt, is singular; the appearance of those deities proclaims a foreign origin; and the names of the children of Ammon, as well as of "Chemosh their god," are too near to the Khem and Ammon (Amun) of Egypt to be accidental. Some may connect Seth with the same name in Syria. (Astarte is mentioned in note on Bk. i. ch. 105.) For another view of the Assyrian Mylitta, see Sir Henry Rawlinson's "Essay on the Religion of the Assyrians and Babylonians" in the Appendix to Book i.—[G. W.]

548

MAGIAN REVOLUTION.

APP. BOOK III.

ESSAY II.

ON THE MAGIAN REVOLUTION, AND THE REIGN OF THE

PSEUDO-SMERDIS.

1. Ordinary theory on the subject-the revolution a Median outbreak. 2. Proofs to the contrary-(i.) from the Inscriptions-(ii.) from the general tenor of ancient history. 3. Unsound basis of the theory-the Magi not Medes. 4. The revolution really religious. 5. Proof of this from the Inscriptions. 6. Religious ideas connected with the name of Darius.

1. THE character of the revolution which placed Gomates1 the Magian upon the throne of Cyrus, has been represented by most modern writers in a light which is at once inconsistent with the recently discovered Persian monuments, and with the view of the event which the general outline of the history, as presented by the ancient writers, would most naturally suggest to us. Heeren,2 Niebuhr, and Grote unite in regarding the accession of the Pseudo-Smerdis as a national revolution, whereby the Medes regained their ancient supremacy over the Persians. This view rests upon certain incidental expressions in Herodotus,5 which find

4

I give him the name which he bears in the native monuments-a trace of which remains in the Cometes of Trogus Pompeius (ap. Justin. i. 9), who however misapplies the appellation, giving it to the other brother, the Patizeithes of Herodotus.

2 Asiatic Nations, vol. i. p. 346, E. T. His words are: "It is usual to consider this revolution as an attempt of the Magians to get possession of the sovereign authority, because the principal conspirators belonged to that caste; but by the express evidence of the most credible authorities" (he refers in a note to Plato (!) and Hero. dotus), "the conspiracy had a higher object, the re-establishment of the monarchy of the Medes. The Magians, as we have observed, were a Median race; and it was natural for the Medes, when the true stock of Cyrus had ended in Cambyses, to aim at a resumption of their ancient sway."

3 Vorträge über alte Geschichte, vol.

i. 157. He says: "Es muss sein, dass es eine wahre politische Revolution war, nicht bloss in der Dynastie, sondern in Regiment, wodurch die Herrschaft von den Persern an die Meder, und unter diesen wieder an die Mager gekommen war."

4 History of Greece, vol. iv. p. 301. "Smerdis represents preponderance to the Medes over the Persians, and comparative degradation to the latter. The Medes and the Magians are in this case identical: for the Magians, though indispensable in the capacity of priests to the Persians, were essentially one of the seven (!) Median tribes. It thus appears that though Smerdis ruled as a son of the great Cyrus, yet he ruled by means of Medes and Magians, depriving the Persians of that supreme privilege and predominance to which they had become accustomed."

5 There are three passages where a Median character is ascribed to the

ESSAY II.

OPINIONS HELD CONCERNING IT.

549

The

an echo in later Greek writers of no weight or authority. expressions are, undoubtedly, strong, and it must be confessed that in the mind of Herodotus the idea existed which has been put so prominently forward by the above-mentioned writers. Still it is worthy of remark, that even in Herodotus the direct narrative does not convey the idea with any distinctness, and it has to be drawn out from notices dropped incidentally. The advocates of the Median theory themselves admit this. Mr. Grote says:- "When we put together all the incidental notices which he (Herodotus) lets drop, it will be found that the change of sceptre from Smerdis to Darius was a far larger political event than his direct narrative would seem to announce." 7 Niebuhr goes yet further, and professes openly to depart from Herodotus, who represents the change (he says) as merely one of dynasty, and does not give it its true political importance, as a transfer of empire from the Persian to the Median nation.8 Thus it appears that even in Herodotus himself the idea that the struggle was one of nationalities, and that Media triumphed in the person of the Pseudo-Smerdis, is not consistently maintained or asserted with that clearness and distinctness which was to have been expected if the usurpation had really possessed the character attributed to it.9

2. That the oppressed nationality of the Medes did not triumph by the accession of Gomates to the throne is apparent, first, from the Inscriptions of Darius, and secondly, from the general tener of ancient history.

(i.) The evidence of the Inscriptions is, of necessity, chiefly negative. Gomates is never said to have been a Mede, nor is there any

revolt by Herodotus, viz. iii. 65, iii. 73, and iii. 126.

Especially Plato, in the famous, passage of his Laws (iii. 12, p. 695 p. 99, ed. Tauchn.).

7 Hist. of Greece, 1. s. c.

8 "Nach Herodots Erzählung müsste man nun glauben, es wäre bloss dies verändert worden, dass ein Mager unter dem Namen des Persers an der Spitze gestanden, und es wäre dabei geblieben, dass die Perser geherrscht hätten, nur unter einem Könige, der ein medischer Mager gewesen wäre.

Es muss aber hier anders gewesen sein."-Vorträge, 1. s. c.

9 If the Medes at this time regained their supremacy over the Persians, the change of relation should have been noticed in Book i. ch. 130. Not only is there no mention of the reign of the Pseudo-Smerdis in that place, but we are plainly given to understand that the subjection of the Medes to the Persians continued uninterruptedly until the revolt from Darius, which happened (we know) in the third year of his reign. Even in the third Book the Median character of the revolt is not put prominently forward. This is what Mr. Grote, in the passage above quoted, confesses.