with too little § attention. Those who may probably be moft feriously affected by this doctrine, very naturally require fomething stronger than general affertions to fupport it, although thofe affertions may be advanced by the best and wifeft man of the nation.

Perhaps it may not be fuch an irreconcileable paradox in policy to affert, that the freemen fettled in America may preferve themselves abfolutely independent of their fellow subjects who more immediately furround the throne, and yet difcharge, with the ftricteft fidelity, all their duties to their fovereign. They may not only be loyal and valuable fubjects to their Prince, but useful and necessary neighbours to their brethren of Britain.

The colonies may, with no great impropriety, be confidered as fo many different countries of the fame kingdom, the nature of whofe fituation prevents their joining in the general council, and reduces them to a neceffity of applying to their Prince for the establishment of fuch a partial policy as may be the beft adapted to their particular circumftances, and, at the fame time, the moft conducive to the general good. That this partial policy, fettled for every diftinct part, may not interfere with the general welfare of the whole, the restraining power lodged in the Crown will always be able to infure; fince we cannot fuppofe that a wife and juft Prince would ever consent to facrifice the intereft and happiness of any one part to the selfish views of another.

As a commercial people, while bleffed with the fame advantages which the inhabitants of Great-Britain enjoy, our intereft may fometimes clash with theirs. This is an inconvenience which may, at fome future period happen, in the extent of our trade: But fhall this poffible inconvenience be a fufficient authority for ftripping us of all the oft valuable privileges in fociety? Shall we be reduced to the most abject ftate of dependence, because we may poffibly become formidable rivals to our jealous brethren, if we are allowed to maintain that equality which we have received from nature, and which we find fo firmly supported by the laws of our mother Country?

Noftri autem magiftratus, imperatores que ex hac una re maxi-
mam laudem capere ftudebant, SI PROVINCIAS, SI SO-
CIOS EQUITATE ET FIDE DEFENDERENT.
CIC. de Off.

There

Qui ftatuit aliquid, parte inaudita altera æquum licet ftatuerit,

baud æquus fuerit.

SENEC Med..

There is no reasoning against those prejudices which are the fupport of particular intereft, or I would afk why my being born in the island of Great-Britain should vest me with a power to tie the hands of my American neighbour, and then justify me in picking his pocket; although this fame American fhould be a loyal fubject of the fame Prince, and formally declared to be poffeffed of all the liberties and privileges of a British fubject? How abfurd and unmeaning muft this fpecious declaration appear to one who fees and feels the force of the prefent violent ftruggles for reducing us to a state of infamous vaffalage?

That right honourable and worthy gentleman who exerted his extenfive influence to ward off from the devoted colonies that blow which would have effected their immediate ruin, has has been pleased to make these declarations in our favour---હૃદ They are the fubjects of this kingdom, equally entitled with ourselves to all the natural rights of mankind, and the peculiar privileges of Englishmen, equally bound by the "laws, and equally participating of its conftitution. The "Americans are the fons, not the baftards of England." And yet, in the fame fpeech he afferts the authority of Great-Britain over the colonies to be fovereign and fupreme in every circumftance of government and legiflation whatsoever. If the latter part of this declaration be by any means reconcileable with the former, I must forfeit all pretenfions to reafon; fince, after the most careful difquifition which I am capable of making, I cannot discover how any inhabitant of the colonies can be faid to enjoy the peculiar privileges of Englishmen, when all that he holds valuable in life muft lie at the mercy of that unlimited power, which is fo repeatedly faid to be fovereign and fupreme. An authority established upon partial principles, and fuch as must be supported by the force of arms more than the force of reafon, if it is to survive any distant period.

*

I have the highest veneration for the character and abilities of Mr. Pitt, and fcarcely dare indulge myself in a train of reafoning, which evidently points out to me the most striking inconfiftency in the fenfe of his famous fpeech upon American affairs. From the best evidence which I am capable of receiving, I cannot but be clearly convinced that our liberty muft be only ideal, and our privileges chimerical, while the omnipotence of parliament can bind our trade, confine ❝our manufactures, and exercise every power whatever ex66 cept

*Le contract de government eft tellement diffous par le depotisme que le defpote n'eft le maitre qu'auffi long tems qu'il eft le plus fort; et que fitot qu'on peut l'expulfer il n'a point a reclamer contre la violence. ROUSSEAU.

"cept that of taking money out of our pockets without our "confent." If this fovereign power, which they fo warmly affert, fhould be once tamely conceded, to what trifling purpose have we exerted ourselves in our oppofition to the stamp act? At beft, we have but put off the evil day.--We have not combated the reality, but the mode of oppreffion. We have only gained a temporary reprieve, till fome future minifter, fhall think proper to employ this unbounded legislative power for the horrid purpose of reducing three millions of people to a ftate of abject flavery.

If our fovereign lords, the commons of England, have been led, by their jealoufy, to ftrike fo bold a ftroke at both our liberty and property, what danger may we not apprehend from the fame felfifh principles, when they may be influenced by the deep-laid fchemes of fome able ftatefman? Under fuch pernicious influence the chains of America may be forged and rivetted, while her incautious fons are lulled in a ftate of fecurity. The power of taxation given up to their spirited oppofition, the excefs of their joy will not fuffer them to indulge any gloomy reflections upon that dangerous referve of legiflation. The prefent evil averted, the warmth of their fanguine difpofitions will not allow them to think that oppreffion, may return at any other time, or in any other form. Their very gratitude and humility prevent their enquiring into a cause of the laft importance. In the highest exultation of heart at a conceffion fcarcely expected, they receive as a mat¬ ter of favour what they demanded as a matter of right; and, to avoid an appearance of arrogance in urging any new demands, they neglect the difcharge of the most effential duties to themselves and their pofterity. Perhaps they will scarcely thank the man who shall endeavour to convince them, that the fimple power of legiflation may as effectually ruin the colo

nies as that of taxation,

Mr. Glle says, that internal and external taxes are the fame in effect, and differ but in name. Mr. Pitt has indeed treated this opinion with fo little attention, that he has only anfwered it by a general affertion-----" that there is a

plain diftinction between taxes levied for the purposes "of raifing a revenue, and duties impofed for the regulation << of trade.

Plain as this diftinction is, my moft industrious enquiries have not yet led me to it; and I cannot but think with Mr. Gle, that they are the fame in effect.-The one is precifely determined, while the other is more uncertain and eventual; but, in proportion to the fum raised, the effect will be exactly the fame. It is taken for granted that the collecti

on

on of a stamp duty would drain us of all the specie which we receive as a balance in our Weft-India trade. If an exorbitant duty laid upon fugar and molaffes produces the fame effect, in what does the difference confift? By either means the treafury of England will be enriched with the whole profit of our labour, and we ourselves fhall be reduced to that deplorable ftate of poverty, of which we have, at this very moment, a moft affecting inftance. General as the calamity is now be come, there are few fo uninformed as not to know that the power of legislation has done all this mischief, without any affiftance from that of taxation. The fevere reftrictions impofed upon our trade, have made it impracticable for us to anfwer every foreign-demand, and, at the fame time referve a fufficient ftock to keep up that circulation of property so ne ceffary to the well being of fociety.

Involved in heavy debts, without any profpect of discharg ing them, in want of the neceffaries of life, without the means of acquiring them; Mr. Glle has furnished us with the most interesting facts to prove the truth of his doc trine. He has bestowed upon them the moft irrefragable proof that internal and external taxes are the fame in effect; and that they may be as effectually ruined by the powers of legislation as by thofe of taxation.

When the parliament of Great-Britain arrogate to themfelves this fovereign jurifdiction over the colonies, I fhould be glad to know on what principles they found their claim. Do they ground their pretenfions on the excellent principles of their own conftitution, or is this fupremacy a power virtually inherent in the name of parliament? A name which should remind them of their original state of humility, when the diftinguishing power which they boafted was a privilege of speak ing their mind and remonftrating their grievances. The Lords indeed may, with fome appearance of reason, affert a fupreme Jurifdiction over the whole body of the nation, as the highest court of judicature: But when an afpiring member of the Commons-House confidently declares that he has a power to bind our trade, and restrain our manufactures, I fhould be glad to know whether he derived this power from the honeft freemen his conftituents, or whether he acquired it by virtue of his office? From his conftituents he could receive no more power than they naturally poffefed; and, fr m his office he cannot reasonably be fuppofed vefted with any other authoris ty than that of deciding upon the formalities, and punctilios

annexed to it.

To grafp at a jurifdiction fo infinitely extenfive, and fo little capable of limitation, is exprefsly declaring, that, from

the

the antiquity of their establishment, they are become sovereigns of the new-difcovered world. Upon fome fuch arbitrary principles muft they ground their unreafonable pretenfions; fince no man in his fenfes will affert that an inhabitant of Birmingham or Manchefter has a natural right, after having obtained the confent of the Crown, to reftrain, and prevent an induftrious fettler of the colonies from engaging in thofe par-, ticular manufactures which may interfere with the bufinefs of his own profeffion. Abfurd as this affertion is, either this must be maintained, or one full as pregnant with abfurdity; fince one may with as much reafon fuppofe this natural superiority in the freemen of Great-Britain, as this acquired fovereignty in the collective body of their reprefentatives. Whatever reafors they may devife to fupport this extraordinary claim, their motives are clearly evinced in that part of Mr. Pitt's fpeech, where he fays" If the legislative power of GreatBritain over America ceases to be fovereign and fupreme, I "would advife every gentleman to fell his lands and embark for that country.' "A jealous fear, that, from the many natural advantages which we poffefs, we may, in fome future age, rival our envious brethren in ftrength and riches, has urged them to exercife a piece of Ottoman policy, by ftrangling us in our infancy. When we examine into the nature of thofe fears which have already proved fo fatal to our intereft, the flighteft examination fhews them as contemptible and illgrounded as were ever entertained by the most selfish of mankind.

Had not this refined policy of our British Machiavel interfered, and roufed us to attention, we fhould, in all human probability, have continued for many centuries the faithful drudges of our indulgent mother; and Great-Britain would have increafed in ftrength and riches in proportion to the population of her colonies. While our commerce continued unreftrained we should induftrioufly have cultivated every branch of it, that we might be enabled to pay punctually to Great-Britain, that balance which would every year increafe, fince our attention to the fettling an immeafurcable extent of country would effectually prevent our establishing such manufactories as would furnish us with the neceffaries of life.

Had I fufficient information to enter into a minute detail of facts, I believe it would be no difficult matter to prove, that, in the courfe of our most fuccefsful commerce, Great Britain receives nine-tenths of the profit; whilft we are humbly contented with being well fed and clothed as the wages of our labour.

If this inferiority be the confequence of a reasonable conVOL. III.. nection,

Pp