Page images
PDF
EPUB

A prudent man, whofe property is in the funds, would do well to confider the truth ofthis reprefentation. What fecurity has he, when the flightest rumour of bad news from America robs him of four or five per cent. upon his capital, when worse new from that quarter is expected every hour, and when the expectation of a foreign war is founded on facts and reasoning, ftrong enough to constitute the cleareft moral certainty? To fay that public credit has hitherto paffed fafely through the fiery trial of war and rebellion, proves nothing. No conclufion can be drawn from a debt of forty-fix millions, af which it flood in 1740, to the prefent debt of one hundred and forty millions. At that time our refources were hardly known, now they are known and exhaufted. We are arriv ed at that point when new taxes either produce nothing, or defeat the old ones, and when new duties only operate as a prohibition yet thefe are the times when every ignorant bey thinks himself fit to be a minifter. Inftead of attendance to objects of national importance, our worthy governors are contented to divide their time between private pleasures and minifterial intrigues. Their activity is juft equal to the perfecution of a prifoner in the kings-bench, and to the honourable ftruggle of providing for their dependants. If there be a good man in the king's fervice they difmifs him of courfe; and when bad news arrives inftead of uniting to confider of a remedy, their time is fpent in accufing and reviling one another. Thus the debate concludes in fome half misbegotten measure, which is left to execute itself. Away they go: -one retires to his country-houfe; another is engaged at a horfe-race; a third has an appointment with a prostitute; and as to their country, they leave her, like a cast off miftrefs, to perifh under the diseases they have given her. ATTICUS.

[ocr errors]

LETTER II.

October 6, 1768.

INCE my laft was printed, a queftion has been ftated in the news-papers, which I think is incumbent upon me, as an honeft man, to anfwer. Admitting my representation of the melancholy ftate of this country, and of public credit to be strictly true, "what good purpose can it anfwer to difcover fuch truths, and to lay our weakness open to the world?" One would think fuch a question hardly wanted a reply. If a real misfortune were leffened by concealment ;-if, by fhutting our eyes to our weakness, we could give our enemies an opinion of our ftrength, none but atraytor would withdraw the veil, which covered the nakedness of

his

country." But if the contrary be true; if concealment ferves only to nourish and increase the mifchief, its conclufion is direct. A good fubject will endeavour to roufe the attention of his country; he will give the alarm, and point out the danger, against which the ought to provide. The policy of concealment is no better than the wisdom of a prodigal, who waftes his eftate without reflection, and has not courage enough to examine his accounts.

In my last letter, I foretold the great fall of the stocks, which has fince happened, and I now do not fcruple to foreteil that they muft and will fall much lower. Yet I am not

moved by the arts of stock-jobbers, or by temporary rumours, magnified, if not created, for particular purposes in the alley. Thefe artifices are directed to maintain a fluctuation not a continued fall. The principles, on which my reafoning is founded are taken generally from the state of France and this country. When I fee our natural enemies ftrong enough not only to elude a material article of treaty, but to fet us at defiance while they conquer a kingdom; and when I combine this appearance of ftrength with their natural reftleffness, I cannot but doubt of their taking the first opportunity to recover their loft honour, by a fresh declaration of war. On the other hand, confidering the hoftile temper of the colonies towards us, the oppreffive weight of amonftrous debt (to which a peace of fix years has scarce given a fenfible relief) and, above all, the mifery, weakness, and diftraction of our interior government, I cannot have a doubt that our enemies now have, or in a very little time will have the faireft opportunity they can wish for to force us into a war. The conclufion, to be drawn from thefe premifes, is obvious. It amounts to a moral certainty, and leaves no room for hope or apprehenfion.

To these, which are the most important circumftances of our fituation, may well be added the high price of labour, the decay of trade, and the ruinous fyftem on which it is conducted. Every minuter article confpires against us. The deficiency of the civil lift must be paid, and cannot be paid with less than seven hundred thousand pounds. The India company will yield to no terms, which are not founded on an express acknowledgement of their exclufive property in their conquefts in Afia. How far their pretenfions are juft is at least a doubtful queftion. Whether parliament will diveft them of this property, by a mere declaratory law, is a matter of the most important confideration. It would be a

dreadful precedent, because it would shake every fecurity of private property. Yet, even if that were determined, another question remains full of difficulty and danger ;-that

16

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

is, in what manner the public will avail themselves of this greet right, decided by nothing but a vote of parliament ?

I am not affected by the rumours of the day. If the flocks rife or fall upon a report of tranquility or tumult in Bofton, I am fatisfied that it is owing to the arts and management of stock jobbers. But I fee the fpirit which is gone abroad through the colonies, and I know what confequences that spirit must and will produce. If it be determined to enforce the authority of the legiflature, the event will be uncer tain But if we yield to the pretenfions of America, there is no further doubt about the matter. From that moment the become an independent people, they open their trade with they reft of the world, and England is undone.

In thefe circumstances, calamitous as they are, I yet think the uniform direction of a great and able minifter might do much. His earliest care, I am perfuaded, would be to provide a fund to support the firft alarm and expence of a rupture with France. If prepared to meet a war, he might perhaps avoid it. His next object would be to form a plan of agreement with the colonies. He would confent to yield fome ground to the Americans, if it were poffible to receive a fecurity from them, that they never would advance beyond the line then drawn upon conditions, mutually agreed on. By an equitable offer of this kind, he would certainly unite this country in the fupport of his meafures, and I am perfuaded he would have the reasonable part of the Americans of his fide.

Thefe, Sir, unfortunately for us, are views too high and important even to be thought of, while we are governed as we are. I would not defcend to a reproachful word against men, whofe perfons I hardly know: but it is impoffible for anhoneft man to behold the circumftances, to which a weak diftracted a- →n has reduced us, without feeling one pang at leaft for the approaching ruin of Great Britain. ATTICUS.

WE

LETTER III.

October 19. 1768

E are affured by the advocates of the ministry, that while Lord Shelburne is fecretary of ftate, we can have no reason to apprehend a rupture with France or Spain. This propofition is fingular enough, and I believe turns upon a refinement very diftant from the fimplicity of common fenfe. But, admitting it to be felf-evident, the conclufion is fuch as I apprehend your correfpondent, who figns himself A friend to public credit, did not clearly forefee. If Lord Shelburne's

remaining

remaining in office conftitutes a fecurity of peace, his being fuddenly removed, muft amount to a declaration of war. Now, the fact is, that his lordship's removal, has been for fome time in agitation, and is within these few days abfolutely determined. If I were a party-writer, the indifcretion of the minifterial advocates would give me as many advantages as even the wretched conduct of the miniftry themfelves. But I write for the public, and in that view hold myfelf far above a little triumph over men, whofe compofitionsare as weak as the cause they defend.

In my former letters I have given you a melancholy but a true reprefentation of the ftate of this country. Every pacquet from America and the continent confirms it. The demonftration of facts follows the probability of argument, and the prediction of the prefent hour is the experience of the next. If you will now permit me to offer my opinion of the great perfons, under whofe adminiftration we are reduced to this deplorable ftate, the public will be enabled to judge whether these are the men moft likely to relieve us from it. The curiofity of perfonal malice shall make no part of this enquiry. As public men we have a right to be acquinted with their real characters, because we are interested in their public conduct.

When the Duke of Gn first entered into office, it was the fashion of the times to fuppofe that young men might have wisdom without experience. They thought fo themfelves, and the most important affairs of this country were committed to the first trial of their abilities. His grace had honourably flesht his maiden fword in the field of opposition, and had gone through all the discipline of the minority with credit. He dined at Wildman's, railed at favourites, looked up to lord Chatham with astonishment, and was the declared advocate of Mr. Wilkes. It afterwards pleafed his grace to enter into administration with his friend lord Rockingham, and, in a very little time, it pleafed his Grace to abandon him. He then accepted of the treafury upon terms which lord Temple had difdained. For a fhort time his fubmiffion to lord Chatham was unlimited. He could not answer a private letter without lord Chatham's permiffion. I prefume he was then learning his trade, for he foon fet up for himfelf. Until he declared himfelf the minifter, his character had been but little understood. From that moment a fyftem of conduct, directed by paffion and caprice, not only reminds us that he is a young man, but a young man without folidity or judgment. One day he defponds and threatens to refign. The next, he finds his blood heated, and fwears

to

1

to his friend he is determined to go on. In his public meafures we have seen no proof either of ability or confiftence. The Stamp-act had been repealed (no matter how unwifely) under the preceding administration. The colonies had reafon to triumph, and were returning to their good humour. The point wasdecided, when this young man thought proper to revive it. Without either plan or neceffity, he adopts the fpirit of Mr. Grenville's meafures, and renews the queftion of taxation in a form more odious and lefs effectual than that of the law, which had been repealed.

With refpect to the invafion of Corfica, it will be matter of parliamentary enquiry, whether he has carried on a fecret negociation with the French court, in terms contradictory to the refolution of council, and to the inftructions drawn up thereupon by his Majefty's fecretary of state. If it fhall appear that he has quitted the line of his department to betray the honour and fecurity of his country, and if there be a power fufficient to protect him, in fuch a cafe, against public juftice, the conftitution of Great Britain is at an end.

His ftanding foremost in the perfecution of Mr. Wilkes, if former declarations and connections be confidered, is bafe and contemptible. The man, whom he now brands with treafon and blafphemy, but a very few years ago was the Duke of G-n's friend, nor is his identity altered, except by his miffortunes. In the laft inftance of his grace's judgment and inconfiftency, we fee him, after trying and deferting every party, throw himself into the arms of a fet of men, whofe political principles he had always pretended to abhor. Thefe men I doubt not will teach him the folly of his conduct better than I can. They grafp at every thing, and will foon push him from his feat. His private hiftory would but little deferve our attention, if he had not voluntarily brought it into public notice. I will not call the amufements of a young man criminal, though I think they become his age better than his ftation. There is a period, at which the most unruly paffions are gratified or exhaufted, and which leaves the mind clear and undisturbed in. its attention to bufinefs. grace's gallantry would be offended, if we were to fuppofe him within many years of being thus qualified for public affairs. As for the reft, making every allowance for the frailty of human nature, I can make none for a continued breach of public decorum; nor can I believe that man very zealous for the intereft of his country, who fets her opinion at defiance. This nobleman however, has one claim to refpect, fince it has pleafed our gracious fn to make him prime minifter of Great-Britain,

His

The

« PreviousContinue »