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Nor is the contribution of Russia to the sciences less distinctive or less important. There is not a single department of scientific investigation in which Russia is not represented by names which the scientists of all the world hold in honor. Lomonosov and Lebedev, among physicists; Lobachevsky and Chebyshev, among mathematicians; Mendeleiev, among chemists; Metchnikoff and Pavlov, among physiologists; Kovalevsky, among economists; Kliuchevsky, among historians where, in any country, shall we find greater or worthier names?

If under the old regime Russian life in general be likened to a darkened sky, it must be acknowledged that in no land were the beacon lights of mind and soul kept burning with brighter or purer flame.

In keeping with the rule that every phase of Russian life, must present its paradox, it is noteworthy that while industrial capitalism had developed in Russia to a far less degree than in any other "Great Power," the country having been barely touched by industrialism, yet the revolt against capitalism nowhere attained such thoroughness. In none of the great countries was the industrial proletariat so small, so numerically insignificant; yet in none was the proletarian protest voiced with such vigor and intellectual strength.

The Russian Revolution itself presents a paradox in its every aspect: Begun as a revolution for de

mocracy, directed against the despotism of a powerful bureaucracy, it has expressly denied and denounced democracy, and created a far more powerful bureaucracy than the old one. Starting as a pacifist, antimilitarist movement, it has carried militarism to a development hitherto undreamed of in the modern world. Avowing themselves to be guided by a system of political and social philosophy which teaches that a maximum development of industrialism and an overwhelming preponderance of proletarians are the indispensable pre-requisite conditions for the attempt to establish Socialism, the leaders of this Revolution have undertaken to set up a Socialist Republic in a land where industrialism is almost negligible, and where the proletariat constitutes a small minority, about two per cent of the whole population.

II

The Revolution of March, 1917, was precipitated by overstrain due to the contribution made by Russia toward defeat of the Central Empires. The manner in which the Revolution brought about the disintegration of the Russian armies, led to the elimination of Russia from the war, and culminated in the shameful peace of Brest-Litovsk, has tended to eclipse the magnitude of the Russian contribution to the Allied Cause and its ultimate triumph. However, Russia's

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losses in killed and wounded men equalled those of England, France, Belgium and the United States combined! Russia's operations during the Autumn of 1914 and January 1915 made it impossible for the forces of the Central Empires to strike decisively on the Western Front. By March, 1915, the German High Command had apparently concluded that the most formidable blows must be directed against Russia, and large transfers of troops were made from the Franco-Belgian to the Russian Front. Thus by Russia's sacrifice it was possible for preparations to be made on the Western Front, notably British preparations, which made certain in the ultimate defeat of the enemy. Again, by costly offensives in 1916 Russia relieved the pressure at Verdun and made its salvation possible.

This is not the place nor the occasion for even the briefest sketch of the World War, but if we are to understand what has happened to Russia, we must get into our minds the fact that her staggering sacrifices in the war, account for the Revolution and for its special character.

It was not merely the stupendous loss of man power. Along with that went disorganization of the whole economic life. The railways, inadequate for the needs of peace, and hopelessly inadequate for the needs of war, went rapidly to pieces. Corruption and mis

management, similar to that in 1904 during the war with Japan, were everywhere manifest. The soldiers were miserably provided for. There were ominous rumors of treason in high places. In the soil of these conditions discontent flourished apace.

The war, which during the first year received a far greater measure of popular approval and support than any other war in which Russia had engaged in more than a century, lost that distinction and steadily became more and more unpopular. The cry for peace arose and mingled with the cry for bread. Over the battlefields and through the cities and villages surged the cry, ominously increasing in intensity, "Give us Peace and Bread."

Such was the background of the Revolution.

III

The Revolution came with dramatic and unexpected swiftness. There had been signs of a menacing volume of discontent and protest during the preceding months, at which statesmen in the Allied Countries had expressed alarm. But neither the Russian Government nor the democratic leaders of the people had any idea that the crisis would come with such swiftness. How completely the statesmen misread the portentous signs can be judged from a single illustration. Alarmed by the growing revolutionary unrest, the British

Government sent a distinguished statesman of large experience in foreign affairs-Lord Milner-to observe the situation in Russia and make report upon it. He arrived in February, 1917.

However after careful consultation with the Russian leaders, Lord Milner satisfied himself that the unrest was of little consequence, returned to England, and reported to the War Cabinet that there was no danger of revolution in Russia, that the dynasty was more strongly entrenched in the affections of the people than ever before, that there was a greater national consciousness than Russia had ever known, manifesting itself in a definite and widespread feeling of patriotism. Within a few days after that report was made, the Revolution was an accomplished fact, and the dynasty was overthrown. Yet there was reasonable justification for Lord Milner's report. Even the Revolutionary leaders have frequently admitted that prudent concessions by the bureaucracy at the eleventh hour could have averted the Revolution. The first leaders of the Revolution were not internationalists, but strong nationalists. They were ardent patriots and unwavering in their loyalty to the Allied Cause. However keenly they felt that Russia had not been properly supported by her allies, they harbored no intention of forsaking them and making a separate peace. They hoped that the Allies

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