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Lloyd George came to the conference pledged by campaign promises to bring the Kaiser to trial, and to make Germany pay the cost bill of the war. Wilson was committed to the creation of a League of Nations. Clemenceau was bent on the protection of the new French frontiers. The treaties provided for all these things. Each of the three accomplished a paper success, but each of them suffered a dismal failure. The Kaiser is still at large and untried. The costs of the war are being paid by the victors. The League of Nations exists, but the United States is not ber. The Treaty for the protection of France was not even submitted to the American Congress. Justice to weaker nations, self determination and "open covenants openly arrived at" were all sacrificed to the accomplishment of hollow victories.

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It is too soon to appraise the actual accomplishment of the Peace Conference for good or for evil. Needless to say, to a war-sick world the peace conference proved a tragic disappointment.

When Constantine left Greece, in June, 1917, he went with his family to Switzerland and took up his abode in Geneva.

In 1920, a series of unforeseen events brought him once more to the fore. To actresses, politicians and princes in exile, publicity is of prime importance. On January 31, 1920, Prince Christopher, Constan

tine's brother, married the widow of an American millionaire. The marriage was recognized by the Royal family as entirely regular. This union brought to the Royal family more notoriety than it had known since June, 1917.

On the other hand, while Venizelos had been amazingly successful and had been elected to one of the five seats in the Council of the League of Nations, there had been murmurs at home at the prolongation of the war, the increase of taxes and the postponement of elections. The treaty at Sevres was signed on August 10, 1921. An election was immediately called, to be held in November.

On August 12th, two former Greek officers attempted the assassination of Venizelos. He was shot as he was entering the Gare de Lyon at Paris. He was hit in the shoulder and thigh. The reaction was instantaneous and most unfortunate. A hostile demonstration against the Royalists in Athens resulted fatally to a young Greek writer of great promise. An incident that should have excited sympathy for Venizelos, was thereby turned against him by the excesses of his friends.

The tragic reign of Alexander suddenly was brought to a tragic end. He was bitten by a pet monkey and on October 25, 1920, died from the wound. So matters stood on the election day, November

14th, 1920. At the election, the Venizelists were defeated by a substantial, though not overwhelming majority. On November 16th, Venizelos and his Cabinet resigned.

On December 5th, a farcical plebiscite was held to determine the recall of Constantine to the Greek throne. An overwhelming majority declared for the King. On December 19th, Constantine returned to Athens amid a great fan-flare of rejoicing. All the forms were observed.. Greece had her King again but she paid dearly for the glamour of the restoration.

In statescraft Venizelos succeeded beyond every promise he ever made, but his argument to the Peace Conference, echoing as it did the unhappy jargon of the Balkans and the catch phrases of the American President, made an impression that was unfortunate. He has been called an Imperialist. Venizelos' policy has been something quite different. He has fought for a generation for the redemption of Greek people from the servile and degrading oppression of the Moslem Turk. That certainly is not Imperialism.

While abroad, Venizelos has been thought by his critics to be an Imperialist. At home, he has been charged with being too radical. His social and political reforms in the laws of Greece brought them abreast of the laws of other parts of Europe. Greece,

under his leadership, was the first country to accept the international labor program.

Sometimes Venizelos has been depicted as a bandit, as a sort of Villa. It is true that Venizelos with a handful of followers in the fastnesses of the Cretan mountains fought against the organized forces of the oppressors of his country. But he was never the stuff of which bandits are made.

He has been portrayed as a sort of Grecian Warwick -the king-maker. It is true, that one of his first acts upon coming to power in Greece was to reconcile King George to his son, Prince Constantine, and restore the Prince to his place in the army and assure him his succession to the crown. Later, when Constantine proved himself unfit for that crown, he cooperated with the powers that set him aside, and set aside, too, his eldest son, and placed young Alexander upon the throne. But Venizelos is no Warwick.

His dealings with the Greek people have been characterized by two striking traits, he has never hesitated to tell them the truth, as he saw the truth, even when it was opposed to their preconceived opinions, and he has never hesitated to resign office when the best interest of the country seemed to require it. At least twice he resigned while he was still the acknowledged leader of a majority in the Greek Chamber of Deputies.

Notwithstanding his transparent sincerity, he has the power of concealing his emotions and his recognition of the duplicity of those who attempt to hoodwink him. The Greeks constantly refer to his Sphinxlike smile and liken it to the smile on the face of the Giaconda (Mona Lisa). No doubt long and intimate contact with those who wish neither him nor his country well, has taught him discretion, yet he is the least reticent of men. He is most generous of his time and thought. With those he does not distrust, he will talk long and frankly, sparing no pains that he be not misunderstood.

Three pictures of Venizelos remain in the author's memory. The first in August, 1918, at his house in Athens, which is pock-marked with bullets from machine guns that riddled it in the Royalist demonstrations in December, 1916. He spoke with us in very good English. Then, as my companion—an American-spoke to him in Greek, his face broke into a smile and he spoke in Greek. Then, lest he seem discourteous, he promptly resumed the conversation in English.

In the Governor's Palace in Salonika, at an afternoon reception, the American Consul, asked him a question in reference to the Balkan situation. Mr. Venizelos answered in Greek. He spoke with earnestness and great rapidity, but with a beauty of diction

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