surprising. It was almost a matter of course that the control of the Southern States should pass to the Democratic party, for it was quite impossible to retain all the freedmen in one party, while their late masters, the persons upon whom they now relied for employment, were mainly to be found in the other. The 'color line' was drawn when the narrow policy of extreme partisans among the Republican leaders arrayed against them Southern whites; the drawing of it indeed left some white leaders among the freedmen, but it did not prevent a still greater number of the latter following the political fortunes of those with whose material interests their own were so closely identified; and the political ascendency of the Republican party in the Southern States was lost permanently." "'* Trouble in Louisiana. This interference of the President in the affairs of a State was brought to a crisis in the winter of 1874-75, in the State of Louisiana. At the election for members of the Legislature, held during the fall of 1874, both the Republican and Conservative parties claimed the victory. The Legislature met in New Orleans, on the fourth of January, 1875, and a struggle ensued for the control of the organization of the lower House. By their superior strategy the Democrats, or Conservatives, were successful, and proceeded to organize the House and seat five members of their own party, who had contested as many Republican seats in the House. The Democratic triumph was of short duration, however, for in a few moments, General De Trobriand, of the United States army, entered the hall and announced that he had orders to remove the five members sworn in. The Democratic Speaker, and the five members themselves, protested against this *Charles Francis Adams, Jr. interference on the part of the Federal troops, and declared that they would not leave their seats until forced from them. General De Trobriand immediately summoned a file of soldiers, and the five members were removed from their seats and expelled from the hall, the Democratic Speaker and members at once withdrew from the hall, and the House was organized by the Republicans. This strange and inexcusable spectacle of the interference of the Federal troops in the domestic affairs of a State had no parallel in American history. It aroused a feeling of Orleans, to the War Department, dated fifth of January, 1875, advising the general government to declare the people of Louisiana banditti, and to turn them over to him and to his troops for punishment. This savage suggestion was deeply resented by the people of the whole country, who had by this time good cause to deplore any interference of the military in civil affairs. There is reason to believe that the public indignation was felt by even the President, for, in a message to Congress upon the subject, he made this admission, while defending THOMAS A. HENDRICKS. the course of the administration: "I am well aware that any military interference by the officers or troops of the United States with the organization of a State Legislature or any of its proceedings, or with any civil department of the government, is repugnant to our ideas of government. I can conceive of no case not involving rebellion or insurrection where such interference by authority of the general government ought to be permitted, or can be justified." In the summer of 1876 the various poilitical parties of the Union met in their respective conventions to nominate candidates for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency of the United States, which officers were to be chosen at the general election in November. The Republican Convention assembled at Cincinnati, Ohio, on the fourteenth of June, and resulted in the nomination of Governor Rutherford B. Hayes, of Ohio, for President of the United States, and of William A. Wheeler, of New York, for Vice-President. The Democratic Convention was held at St. Louis on the twenty-seventh of June, and nominated Governor Samuel J. Tilden, of New York, for the Presidency, and Governor Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, for the Vice-Presidency. A third convention, representing the Independent Greenback party, met at Indianapolis, on the eighteenth of May, and nominated Peter Cooper, of New York, for President, and Samuel F. Cary, of Ohio, for Vice-President. Result of the Campaign. The campaign which followed these nominations was one of intense bitterness, and was in many respects the most remarkable the country has ever witnessed. A most discreditable feature of it was the appearance of Mr. Chandler, the Secretary of the Interior, as the chief manager of the Republican party. It was the first time in the history of the country that a member of the President's Cabinet had ever held so questionable a position; the first time that the patronage of the government had ever been used so openly in behalf of a political party. Under the leadership of Secretary Chandler, the manly and conciliatory letter of acceptance of Governor Hayes was ignored, and a campaign of great bitterness was inaugurated. The election was held on the seventh of November. The popular vote was as follows: POINT PLEASANT, OHIO, THE BIRTHPLACE OF PRESIDENT GRANT. Of this number, Governor Tilden received one hundred and eighty-four, and Governor Hayes one hundred and sixty-three undisputed votes. The votes of the States of Florida, Louisiana, Oregon and South Carolina, twenty-two in number, were claimed by both parties for their respective candidates. It was declared by the Democrats that, even conceding the votes of Oregon and South these boards would return the vote of its respective State for the Republican candidate, and it was feared that this would be productive of trouble, as the Democrats claimed a majority in these States. Immediately after the election, therefore, President Grant appointed a number of prominent Republicans to proceed to Florida and Louisiana to watch the counting of the votes of those States; and a number of prominent Dem- action of the Return Boards, however, was ocrats repaired to Tallahassee and New Orleans for the same purpose. These genI tlemen had no official character, and were without power to interfere in any way with the counting of the vote. It was hoped, however, that their presence as witnesses would act as a check upon the boards, and thus a fair count be secured. Both States were returned for Hayes. Investigations showed that the electoral vote of South Carolina had been fairly cast for Hayes, and it was generally conceded to SAMUEL J. RANDALL him by both parties. The Democratic Governor of Oregon attempted by a transparent fraud to give the electoral vote of that State to Tilden, and thus elect him; but it came to be the general sentiment of the country that the electoral vote of Oregon should rightfully be cast for Hayes. This confined the real struggle to the votes of Florida and Louisiana. It was the general conviction of the country that both of those States had been fairly carried by the Democratic party, and many earnest Republicans gave open expression to this belief. The still within the letter of the laws under which they had acted. The Republican party, therefore, claimed that as such action was not contrary to the laws of Florida and Louisiana it must stand; that neither Congress nor any other body had power to go behind the certificate of the electoral vote of a State, properly signed and authenticated by the State officials; and that when such certificates were presented to the two Houses of Congress, at the counting of the electoral votes of the States, they must be accepted without question, and the electoral votes of Florida and Louisiana be counted for Hayes. They declared that the States had power to make any laws they might see fit for the counting of their popular vote, and that for Congress to seek to interfere with such laws would be to illegally trespass upon the reserved rights of the States. They held, therefore, that as the action of the Return Boards was within the letter of the laws of their respective States Florida and Louisiana must be counted for Hayes. The Country Agitated. The Democrats, on the other hand, maintained that the popular majority for Tilden in Florida and Louisiana was too evident to be doubted, being simply overwhelming in the latter State, and that the Return Boards had overcome these majorities only by a fraudulent use of their powers in throwing out Democratic votes to an extent sufficient to give Florida and Louisiana to the Republicans. They declared, moreover, that, as the Louisiana Board had refused to appoint a Democratic member to the vacancy in that body, as required by the law under which they acted, their action was necessarily illegal. They held that, as both Florida and Louisiana had been wrongfully and fraudu lently given to the Republicans by the Return |