Account of pure Religion, which never interferes with the Magiftrate's Right; but where Men build upon religious Doctrines or Practices deftructive of civil Government, they must answer to God for perverting Religion, and to the Magiftrate for disturbing the Public.

Laftly, It remains only that we apply what has been faid to the Occafion of this Day. There are but two Things which the Church of Rome can infift on, both of which are determined against them by the Doctrine of the Text. For 1ft, Whatever Differences in Religion there are between us, yet they are unjustifiable in the Methods they use for our Converfion. And 2dly, Notwithstanding all their Pleas of Religion, the civil Power has a Right to punish their Practices, and did juftly exercise that Right, in bringing the Contrivers and Actors of the bloody Tragedy of this Day to an open and a fhameful Death. These are but the neceffary Confequences of what has been already difcourfed, and therefore I fhall not trouble you with enlarging on them.

How justly then may we expoftulate with the Church of Rome the Cruelty of this Day, in which they outdid even themfelves.

F4

felves. Depofing a King, which they have often attempted, was not their Work; enflaving the Nobility, which is their common Practice, was not their Aim; they had prepared a richer Sacrifice to the Triple Crown, and intended to expiate the Offence of the Nation against the Pope, by the nobleft Blood which it ever produced.

Could they have buried our Laws and our Conftitutions in one general Ruin, they had then Hopes of fucceeding in their Attempt. These Children of the World are wife in their Generation, and rightly judge, that to confound the Peace of the State, and the Purity of the Church, is their only Way to prevail against both; fince nothing can make their Dominion tolerable, but Anarchy and Confufion; nothing their Religion, but Atheism and Infidelity.

But God prevented their Malice, and turned their Mischief upon their own Heads. In Memory of which Bleffing this Day was deservedly distinguished in the English Calendar: which Piety of our Ancestors has defcended upon us their Pofterity in new Bleffings; and this Day has been again confecrated by the Deliverance of these Kingdoms out of the Hands of the fame implacable Enemies.

There

There is nothing an Englishman has more to fear than the prevailing Power of Popery; and fo universally it is dreaded, that Popery must ever be a Millftone to the Neck of any Caufe to which it is but fomuch as generally fufpected to be allied; and this, I prefume, has been well understood by those who have always been labouring to infufe the Fears and Jealoufies of it into the Minds of the People, and to clog the Work of the Government with the Sufpicions of it. If there be any Afperfion, which Men should make a Conscience of cafting upon their Rulers, it is this, which contains whatever can be thought on to render a Man odious. To defign the Advancement of Popery, is to defign the Ruin of the State, and the Destruction of the Church; it is to facrifice the Nation to a double Slavery, to prepare Chains both for their Bodies and their Minds.

What Interest is to be ferved by fomenting thefe Jealoufies, is, I think, hard to be understood: the Proteftant Succeffion is established by the Law, and what further Security can be had, must rise out of the Affections of the People; which will not be increased by perfuading them, that they stand suspected

fufpected in the Opinion of those who may be one Day their Governors. Should thefe Jealoufies fo far prevail, (as we trust they cannot) as to render one great Part of the People of England fufpected to the Princes abroad, what Strength would the Proteftant Succeffion gain by thefe Means? Would not the Confequence be, that this Part of the People would begin to imagine their Caufe prejudged, and think with less Pleasure upon the Security, which now they esteem. as their great Bleffing? What may grow out of fuch mutual Diftrufts in Length of Time, fhould they once prevail, I cannot tell, but no Good, I am fure. They who heartily with well to the Succeffion, will endeavour that there may be a mutual Confidence and good Opinion, between the People and the Princes of the Blood, that whenever the Time comes, which muft rob us of our dearest Bleffing, they may ascend the Throne neither fufpecting nor fufpected; but may be received with as much Joy, as the Circumstances of that fad (and I hope far diftant) Day will admit of. Let the People be told how fully they inherit the Virtues of their Royal Ancestors, that no Distance of Time or Place can ever efface

their Love for our common Country; but let none but theirs and their Country's Enemies infinuate, that there is any Caufe for mutual Fears and Jealoufies between them.

But whatever our Fears are, let thein be so far fufpended at least, that we may enjoy the Ease and Tranquillity which the prefent aufpicious Reign affords. Let not all our Zeal for our holy Religion be spent in quarrelling and difputing about it; but fome of it be shewn in our dutiful Behaviour to our Governors, in mutual Love and Charity. Let the Purity of our Religion be expreffed in the Innocence of our Lives; that whenever God shall be pleased to deliver us from the Scourge of War, we may be in such a Difpofition to receive the Bleffing, that Mercy and Truth may meet together, and Righteousness and Peace kifs each other.

Above all, let us earnestly contend with God in Prayer for Mercies upon our good Queen; that she may be long continued to us; that he would give Peace in her Time; that no Demerit of ours may rob us of the invaluable Bleffings we enjoy in her; that whenever she, ripe for Glory and Immortality, fhall be called to everlasting Peace and a better Crown, that then he would