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them each a mule, a plough, a cow, etc.; Mr. E., himself a very large landholder, set apart some 5 to 10 acres for each, on which, in the meantime, each head of family could be erecting his log cabin, etc. These arrangements were not consummated until I had left Carolina. In after years I asked General Gaius Whitfield, a wealthy slave holder of Alabama, formerly of Wayne Co., N. C., how the thing eventuated. “Well, Mr. Sheffield, the Jos. Everette negroes (gradually emancipated) are as good citizens as the general run of white people in Wayne Co.; but the Benj. Everette negroes went to the devil, every one of them: gradual emancipation is the only way." General Whitfield himself was a very large slaveholder in Alabama; he was a man of fine acquirements and of philanthropic opinions and wishes. With hardly an exception, so far as I knew or had been informed, the slaves of Alabama were treated with kindness, and great humanity and indulgence; cruelty, hardworking, etc., were hardly ever spoken of, much less known to exist.

What, then, was my surprise on returning to the North in 1835 and traveling there, to find the whole country agitated, and imbued with the belief of unheard of cruelty! Garrison's and other similar papers circulating all over the country, full of pictures of negroes, male and female, in chains, half clad and half starved, being driven in their field labor by the overseer's lash! These papers were circulated, or were attempted to be, broadcast over the land and at the South, as if to produce excitement, and they succeeded. They were weekly papers, and it was known that the mail which passed through Charleston on Saturdays contained them; so one day in August or September (1835), the principal citizens, by agreement, seized the mail bags on their way to the Post Office, cut them open, assorted, and selected the packages of incendiary papers directed to the interior of the state, and of Georgia and Alabama, held them up to the assembled and excited populace in the public square, and there burned them. This outrage on the United States mail caused great excitement in the North-indeed everywhere: abolitionists were loud and rampant and called upon the government to proceed to the utmost length of the law. But

the more sensible portion of the people, while they felt indignant at the outrage on the sanctity of the mails, felt still more indignant at the party which gave cause for it. Public meetings were held in many places and cities, disavowing any affiliation or sympathy with abolitionists, or connection, or sanction with them or of their measures. The meeting here, in New Haven, was held in the North Church. I was not in town, and don't remember who presided, but it was very full, such Whigs as Judge Daggett, Judge Baldwin, Gen. Kimberly, President Day of the College, Professor Silliman and others of the College on one side, and such stern old Democrats as the then Genl. Edwards, Ralph J. Ingersoll, Wm. Ellis, etc. (all spoke) all joined heartily in the resolutions then passed, that the people of that meeting, and of the city and state generally, had no sympathy with the wild abolition views and practices of the Garrison party, but at the same time expressing their abhorrence of slavery in the abstract.

The newspapers of New Haven of the day (Aug. or Sept. 1835) will tell the whole story of that meeting. Simeon Jocelyn and Arthur Tappan resided here then.

The leading spirits of the South, the Calhoun, Rhett, McDuffie Party, gladly seized upon this excitement and made it a leading element in their political ambitious designs. They spoke and wrote exciting words and newspaper articles, well calculated to inflame the minds of the Southern people; they adroitly dropped the “Nullificationdoctrine and warfare, and took up the slavery question,and from that year forward, until the adoption of their fatal "Secession Ordinances,” their cry was, "Resist the abolition tendencies, at all hazards." The conservative “Union party” of the South, (old Whig party,) was powerless to resist the popular cry—“Never submit to the Yankee abolition people” of the North; "while we would have yielded to any reasonable plan-gradual emancipation-colonization if practicable, etc., etc., we will not have our property taken away from us without our consent; we have the same right to it as you, of the North, have to any of your property. " Such were the remarks made by even the Union moderate conservative planters of the South.

On my return to the South, in 1836, if I had been surprised while in the North at the wide-spread doctrine of "unconditional abolition of slavery," I was not the less surprised at the universal cry of the South, of resistance. Excellent men,

old union, conservative Whigs, lovers of their whole country-men who had heretofore been willing to discuss the "Slavery questionand suggest various plans for its ultimate cessation, now would not listen to any reasoning, and nothing but “resistance to the bitter end” was their creed. They complained, and very justly, of the shameful misrepresentations in the North. The whole of the southern states had been canvassed to find a few cases, if possible, which afterwards formed the basis of “Uncle Tom's Cabin,” and publish them as the general and universal treatment of the slaves; whereas they well knew, for the Southern people traveled much in the North, and many of them visited the great factories of Rhode Island, Massachusetts, etc., from whence these very bitter, exciting, libelous papers were issued,--they well knew, I say, that there was ten times more of cruelty and suffering borne by the down-trodden, halfpaid, and half-starved white people and children, under the very eyes of these sanctimonious writers who were then scattering their libels throughout the Northern states. But most of all did they feel outraged by the incendiary doctrines and advice through which they, the abolitionists, hoped and expected to excite universal insurrection of the negroes! And they, the very pious abolitionists, did not care a fig how many thousands of innocent whites should be massacred! For this the Southern people saw no excuse, and never would forgive; not that they feared any such result, but they utterly abhorred the sentiment, and the people who could advocate it. The idea was dreadful, and the feeling of indignation was intense, even among the peace-loving “Union men” of the previous years, and they would listen to no explanation, no excuse, because such papers were not put down !

Never was there a more unjustifiable and outrageous libel on the Southern people, and on the negroes themselves, than these abolition papers and Uncle Tom's Cabin uttered and circulated.

Subsequent events proved this, for while the Southern whites were in the field, fighting, as they were, to sustain their hold upon slavery, the slaves themselves, left alone, hundreds of them, on plantations where the white families were few and unprotected, not only were faithful, but kind and devoted to the comforts and safety of the unprotected ladies and children! And, when in the final emancipation, and restoration of peace, they were left at liberty, not only did they continue to be peaceful, faithful and kind, and devoted to their fallen lords," but we have not heard in the whole range of the Southern states, amongst three or four millions of emancipated slaves, of a single case of murder or of revenge on former masters! What a commentary this, on the teachings of Uncle Tom's Cabin!

I will here record, that, during the war, where the abolitionists and the radicals were urging the issuing of an “emancipation proclamation," in the hope and expectation that it would cause an immediate servile insurrection, (for he hoped thus), a very pious and ardent radical, who was a pretty prominent gentleman of New Haven, when the probable results (as he believed) of the emancipation would be insurrection and thus end the war, said to me in my office, under great excitement, that he didn't care a fig if, in such event, the negroes cut the throats of 500 thousand men, women, and children, if that were necessary, to obtain the end! I told him we had better discontinue the discussion.

Never in all my intercourse with the South, either in Carolina or 'Alabama, or other States, or in all my visits to plantations, etc., have I ever witnessed or heard of any cruelty. On the contrary, I have ever witnessed, good clothing, good food, very moderate iabor, especial attention to their health and comfort, and universal peace and happiness of the slaves !-proud of their masters and their families,—willing to serve, and many, to die, for them!

Of course, then, although always an outspoken hater of slavery, as such, I was the defender of slave-owners from the foul aspersions of the abolitionists, and often predicted the results which would be precipitated if the people of the North

persisted in fanning the flame; and when the election to the presidency of the Abolition candidate was effected, (not, however, by a majority of the people, but by a plurality) I was so certain of the consequences, that I sold, at great sacrifice, my remaining property in Mobile. I had always been an ardent old line Whig of the Clay and Webster School, but when that party began to run after abolitionists, and other gods, for the sake of votes; when in fact they began to run away from their principles, I could not follow them, and I became one of the party of “conservative whigswho helped to nominate, and I voted for, those sterling, well-tried American Statesmen, Edward Everett and John Bell, Bell and Everett," and that was the last vote I ever cast, on any occasion.

When the war of the Rebellion commenced, and the country flew to arms, Whigs and Democrats alike, with an enthusiasm unparalleled, without even the idea of party, I wrote and published in the Morning Courier, now the Journal and Courier, an article headed One Country, One Flag, One Destiny," and urged the sinking of all party feelings, and the prompt putting down of the Rebellion if it cost half the blood and treasure of the nation; and then, but not till then, take up and settle the slavery question in some way; by gradual emancipation and partial compensation by the States themselves, and the general government, by an issue of State bonds, and Government 5 per cent. bonds, having fifty years to run; so that by such a plan, owners would be partially paid, slaves would be more or less prepared for their freedom; and that, under this arrangement, all slavery should cease on the 4th July 1876! Thousands of millions of dollars would have been saved to the United States, with hundreds of thousands of valuable lives, and the slave states themselves would have had the advantage of improved free labor. But it was urged that compensation made merchandise of human beings! Such a plan, consummated on that great national day, would have added a brilliant leaf to the laurels which will encircle the declaration on that great day, that “all men are born free and equal,” and all parties, North and South, Whigs and Democrats, Christians and heretics, black

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