"Recent developments have encouraged me to | Virginia. If she secedes, and no speedy combelieve that the action of Virginia will be decidedly conservative. There was a violent and unnatural excitement here, produced by the systematic efforts of disunion politicians. The sober second thought has begun to operate, and a more wholesome condition of feeling prevails. I think a large majority of the Convention will be opposed to immediate secession. The position of the conservatives in our General Assembly has been a trying one. At the earlier period of the session we were overwhelmed by the de promise is made by Congress similar to Mr. Crittenden's proposition, I have positive knowledge that the people of Maryland are preparing, independent of the Governor, to elect and convene a Sovereign Convention, which will certainly withdraw the State from the Union before Mr. Lincoln's inauguration." Delaware showed herself Delaware Loyal. to be loyal. Her Legislature approved the Critstructivės. But we rallied our forces, and, after a tenden resolves, January 17th. The followresolute fight, we have beaten them, and so shaped ing among other resolves, though not acted the action of the Legislature as to render it decided- on affirmatively, still reflected the tone of ly conservative. Virginia now occupies the position feeling which was uppermost with the of mediator, holding back the belligerents and ten-people :dering the olive branch of peace." Maryland still firm. Maryland continued steadfast to the Union under the firm guidance of Governor Hicks. On the 20th it was stated, in a dispatch from Baltimore, that the great mass of the people approved the course pursued by the Governor in refusing to call the Legislature. Another statement was published to the effect that "Union meetings held in almost every county approve his course, and pronounce against disunion. The association of Minute-Men of Baltimore have taken a noble stand in support of Governor Hicks and the Union. This organization, formed about a month before the Presidential election, numbers about thirty-two hundred active members in the city, and is affiliated with kindred organizations in every county in the State. They are divided into companies of sixty-four men each. To their efforts is due the brilliant success of the recent Union meeting in Baltimore. Upon the very day when the forty United States marines were sent to take possession of Fort McHenry, it was intended by the Minute-Men to occupy and hold it, until relieved by the Federal troops, and thus to keep the property safe from the possibility of seizure by the rapidly organizing Secession association called the "Southern Volunteers." A dispatch from another source, dated the 21st, expressed less sanguine views of the Union strength in the State. It said:-"Georgia's secession has struck a melancholy blow to the hopes of Maryland. We are now at the mercy of "Resolved, That we believe solemnly that the Constitution and the laws of the United States faithfully administered and implicitly obeyed are fully equal to heal all grievances, coming from what portion of the country they may. "Resolved, That Delaware knows no North, no South, no East, no West, but only the Union, Constitution and Laws, and earnestly desires that the laws be fully and faithfully enforced in every portion of our Union. "Resolved, That we earnestly recommend to our Senators and Representatives in Congress, under no circumstances to countenance or sanction the withdrawal of any State from the Union, but in the language of Jackson, this 'Union must and shall be preserved." " North Carolina Hesi. tating. In North Carolina much opposition was manifested to the secession of the State. One party was unmistakably Union at all events; another favored compromise, which, if not conceded, should be cause for secession; another was for cooperation with Virginia. The number of unconditional separationists was comparatively small, but powerful enough, with the outside pressure of South Carolina, to keep the State moving quietly but surely towards the point of open action. The Legislature of the State was in session during January. January 16th, anti-coercion resolutions passed to a second reading. They were opposed to coercion, even to pledging the whole power of the State to resist any attempt of the General Government to use arms against a seceding State. The Convention bill was also under consideration. The Arkansas Legislature, January 16th, TENNESSEE'S ACTION. unanimously passed a bill submitting the question of calling a Convention to the people on the 28th of February. If a majority favored a Convention, the Governor was to appoint the day. Missouri. The Missouri State Legislature continued in excited session during the month. Its Senate, January 16th, passed a Convention bill, yeas 31, nays 2. The bill left the entire matter, however, to the people. The voters were to decide at the time the delegates were elected, whether the Secession Ordinance, if passed, should be submitted to the people for ratification. The election of delegates was set for February 18th, the Convention to meet on the 28th. Kentucky. The Governor of Kentucky submitted (Jan. 17th) a long message to the extra session of the Legislature convened by him to consider the crisis. He adverted at length to the facts of the secession movement, the means of adjustment proposed, the action desirable for the Border States to urge, &c. He recommended for the Legislature, as a body, to endorse the Crittenden resolves, and also advised the calling of a State Convention, saying: Governor McGoffin's' 249 of the Chicago Platform-a condition of our country most likely near at hand-what attitude will Ken tucky hold, and by virtue of what authority shall her external relations be determined? Herein are involved issues of momentous consequence to the people. It is of vital importance to our own safety and domestic peace that these questions be solved in accordance with the will of a majority of our people. How have our neighboring States prepared to meet this emergency? Tennessee has, through the action of her Legislature, referred the. whole subject to her people, to be passed upon in their sovereign capacity. Virginia and North Carolina are discussing the propriety of a similar course, and will most probably authorize the people, through sovereign Conventions, to dispose of questions so deeply and vitally concerning their interests. Missouri seems likely to adopt a similar policy. These States wisely recognize the fact that the country is in a state of revolution; and, it seems to me, there is an eminent propriety, at such a time, in a direct appeal to the people. The ordinary departments of the Government are vested with no power to conduct the State through such a revolution. Any attempt, by either of these departments, to change our present external relations, would involve a usurpation of power, and might not command that confidence and secure the unanimity so essential to our internal safety. Thus encompassed by embar rassment, complication and doubt, assailed by a diversity of counsels, and encountering much variety of opinion, it seems to me the wisest, as, certainly, the safest mode of meeting the extraordinary emergency, is to adopt the course pursued by our neighboring States, and refer these great questions to the arbitrament of the people, whose happiness and destinies they so deeply affect. We should, in this mode, secure unity among ourselves, and attract the cordial loyalty of all our citizens to Kentucky, wherever she may cast her lot. I, therefore, submit to your consideration the propriety of providing for the election of delegates to a Convention, to be assembled at an early day, to whom shall be referred, for full and final determination, the future Federal and inter-State relations of Kentucky." "We, the people of the United States, are no longer one people, Message. united and friendly. The ties of fraternal love and concord which once bound us together are sundered. Though the Union of the States may, by the abstract reasoning of a class, be construed still to exist, it is really and practically, to an extent at least, fatally impaired. The Confederacy is rapidly resolving into its original integral parts, and its loyal members are intent upon contracting wholly new relations. Reluctant as we may be to realize the dread calamity, the great fact of revolution stares us in the face, demands recognition, and will not be theorized away. Nor is the worst yet told. We are not yet encouraged to hope that this revolution will be bloodless. A collision of arms has even occurred between the Federal Gov-action looking to Secession. ernment and the authorities of a late member of the Union, and the issue threatens to involve the whole country in fratricidal war. It is under these circumstances of peculiar gloom that you have been summoned. * * * * In view of the partial disruption of the Union, the secession of eight or ten States, the establishment of a Southern Confederated Republic, and the administration of this Government upon the principles The Legislature, however, refused to call a Convention. It was decidedly averse to any Tennessee was laboring in the throes of the revolution. The following joint resolutions were adopted January 20th: "Resolved, By the General Assembly of the State of Tennessee, that this General Assembly has heard with profound regret of the resolutions adopted by the State of New York, tendering men and money to the President of the United States, to be used in coercing certain sovereign States of the South into Slaveholding, in the manner following: It should obedience to the Federal Government. Resolved, That this General Assembly receives the action of the Legislature of New York as the indication of a purpose upon the part of the people of that State to further complicate existing difficulties, by forcing the people of the South to the extremity of submission or resistance; and, so regarding it, the Governor of the State of Tennessee is hereby requested to inform the Executive of the State of New York that it is the opinion of this General Assembly that whenever the authorities of that State shall send armed forces to the South for the purposes indicated in said resolutions, the people of Tennessee, united with their brethren of the South, will, as one man, resist such invasion of the soil of the South at all hazards, and to the last extremity." The Lower House adopted, on the 21st, without dissent, its plan of Convention and compromise as follows: invite all the States friendly to such plan of adjust "Resolved, That should a plan of adjustment satis. factory to the South not be acceded to by the requi site number of States to perfect amendments to the Constitution of the United States, it is the opinion of this General Assembly that the Slaveholding States should adopt for themselves the Constitution of the United States, with such amendments as may be sat isfactory to the Slaveholding States, and that they should invite into a Union with them all the States of the North which are willing to abide such amended Constitution and frame of Government, severing at once all connection with the States refusing such reasonable guarantees to our future “1. Resolved, by the General Assembly of Tennessee, That a Convention of Delegates from all the Slave-safety-such renewed conditions of Federal Union holding States should assemble at Nashville, Ten- being first submitted for ratification to the Convennessee, or such other place as a majority of the tions of all the States respectively." States cooperating may designate, on the 4th of February, to digest and define a basis upon which, if pos sible, a Federal Union and the constitutional rights of the Slave States may be preserved and perpetuated. "2. Resolved, That the General Assembly of Tennessee appoint a number of delegates to said Convention, of our ablest and wisest men, equal to our whole delegation in Congress; and that the Governor of Tennessee immediately furnish copies of these resolutions to the Governors of the Slaveholding States, and urge the participation of such States in said Convention. "3. Resolved, That, in the opinion of the General Assembly of Tennessee, such plan of adjustment should embrace the following propositions as amend ments to the Constitution of the United States." The schedule then cited nine sections, embracing chiefly the Crittenden basis, with further stringent provisions for the reclamation of slaves the permanent right of transit through non-Slaveholding States with slave property, and providing that no further amendments of the Constitution should invalidate or controvert the amendments suggested. The proposition closed with the following resolutions: “4. Resolved, That said Convention of the Slaveholding States, having agreed upon a basis of adjustment satisfactory to themselves, should, in the opinion of this General Assembly, refer it to a Convention of all the States, Slaveholding and non The attitude of the Northern States was not less belligerent at the close of January than at its opening. The various Legisla tures not only passed patriotic resolves, but almost without exception provided the "sinews of war" in the way of military appropriations and bills for a reconstruction of the militia systems so as to render a call for troops immediately available. In New York State the military system was, already, very perfect. New York City alone could muster at twelve hours' notice fully twenty thousand perfectly armed and disciplined troops. A portion of these, comprising the 1st Division, about 7000 strong, were offered to the President through General Scott by Major General Sandford, commanding the divisionto be ready for service at an hour's warning. Other equally significant tenders were made to the Governor of companies and regiments. The State Military Convention in session at Albany acted in a patriotic and determined manner. The Special Committee to report what arms were necessary for the State to purchase without delay, recommended the immediate purchase by the State of 25,000 arms, to be increased to 50,000 as soon as practicable; and also 5,000 pairs of cavalry pistols and 5,000 sabres. THE PRESIDENT-ELECT. 251 The Pennsylvania Legislature, fully alive New Jersey leaned visibly toward compro to the crisis, was not less patriotic than New mise and peace. The House of its Legisla York and Massachusetts. Resolves were passed, complimentary of Major Anderson, approving the conduct of Governor Hicks, in refusing to call the Maryland Legislature, and pledging to him the sympathy and support of Pennsylvania. The military organization was rendered very complete, and, under Governor Curtin's active cooperation, arms and equipments were being rapidly secured. ture, January 25th, considered resolutions embracing the Crittenden proposition, or recommending some other conciliatory measure, and appointing Charles S. Olden, Peter D. Vroom, Robert F. Stockton, Benjamin Williamson, Joseph F. Randolph, Frederick T. Frelinghuysen, Rodney M. Price, Thomas J. Stryker and William C. Alexander, Commissioners to go to Washington and join Virginia, and other State Commissioners, in Governor Andrew, of Massachusetts, sent bringing about a reconciliation, in order to to the State Legislature (January 23d) a save the Union. After a whole day's sesmessage, inclosing a communication from sion, without adjournment, they were passed, Colonel Jones of the 6th Regiment, tender- 31 to 11. The Republicans offered amending the services of the Regiment to the Gov-ments, but they were voted down. They ernment; also a similar offer from Major- afterwards published a pamphlet address, General Sutton and staff. The Light Artillery, National Lancers, and numerous other efficient military corps of Boston City and the State, voted, nearly unanimously, to resDond to a call for active service. setting forth their total dissent from the resolutions, and printed a minority protest to the propositions. They also resolved to send a counter-deputation to Washington, to represent their views. THE DENT IN FACT. CHAPTER XVII. CORRESPONDENCE PRESIDENT-ELECT. HIS VIEWS AND WISHES. THE PRESI HIS VIEWS AND PURPOSES. GROWING OUT OF COLONEL HAYNE's MISSION. THE PEACE CONGRESS. RESPONSE OF THE STATES. THE movements of the people, the views of Mr. Lincoln, the choice of the new Cabinet, all became matters of absorbing interest, during the middle and latter part of January. They were the "straws," whose direction seemed to indicate the line of conduct which was to be pursued by the incoming power. Mr. Lincoln remained in Springfield during the entire month of January, receiving visitors, office-seekers, agents of candidates for positions, &c., &c.; while, not a few of the most eminent persons in the country approached him, either in person or by letter, in regard to the troubles distracting the nation. To all he gave a patient and candid hearing. His good-nature seemed equal to his visitors' pertinacity, curiosity and solicitude, since all seemed to leave his audience pleased. As the hour for his instalment to office approached, the impression prevailed that his prudence and kindness would dictate the true steps to pursue in the crisis. To stay secession, of course, was impossible, since, ere he could come into office, a Southern Confederacy would be formed and in active operation. With no Army, no Navy, a depleted Treasury, a Government thoroughly demoralized by its late terrible mismanagement, it did not appear possible for him to pursue any other course than that seemingly dictated by his circumstances-of forbearance toward the revolutionists and a peaceful policy looking to reconstruction. Yet, he gave very little indication of his line of conduct. His lips were not sealed, but they did not troubled waters, no definite, or even indica- | asked if he intended to interfere or recom tive, words were put forth by him, or by his authority. He was reticent to an extraordinary degree. Mr. Lincoln at Home. One of the numerous visitors to the fireside of the President-elect, in the middle of January, gave the public the results of his inquisition. His experience was thus detailed : ** "The subject of conversation was politics, and Mr. Lincoln expressed himself upon every topic which was brought up with entire freedom. He said, at one period in the conversation, 'he hoped gentlemen would bear in mind that he was not speaking as President, or for the President, but only exercising the privilege of talking, which belonged to him, in common with private citizens.' "I chose rather to be a listener than a talker, and paid careful attention both to Mr. Lincoln's matter and manner; and, although he seemed to talk without regard to the fact of his being the President, yet it was discoverable that he chose his words and framed his sentences with deliberation, and with a discretion becoming his high position. "He was asked: 'Do you think the Missouri Compromise line ought to be restored?' He replied that although the recent Presidential election was a verdict of the people in favor of Freedom upon all the Territories, yet personally he would be willing, for the sake of the Union, to divide the territory we now own by that line, if, in the judgment of the nation, it would save the Union and restore harmony. But whether the acquisition of territory hereafter would not reopen the question and renew the strife, was a question to be thought of, and, in some way, provided against. mend an interference with Slavery, or the right of holding slaves in the dock-yards and arsenals of the United States ? His reply was: 'Indeed, Sir, the subject has not entered my mind.' He was inquired of whether he intended to recommend the abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia? to which he replied: Upon my word, I have not given the subject a thought.' A gentleman present said to him: 'Well, Mr. Lincoln, suppose these difficulties should not be settled before you are inaugurated, what will you do? He replied with a smile: 'Well, I suppose I will have to run the machine as I find it.' "In speaking on the subject of a compromise, he said: 'It was sometimes better for a man to pay a debt he did not owe, or to lose a demand which was a just one, than to go to law about it; but then, in compromising our difficulties, he would regret to see the victors put in the attitude of the vanquished, and the vanquished in the place of the victors.' He would not contribute to any such compromise as that. "It was discernible in the course of Mr. L.'s conversation that he fully appreciates the difficulties which threaten his incoming Administration; also, that he regards himself as grossly misrepresented and misunderstood at the South; nor did he conceal what was manifestly an invincible conviction of his honest and intelligent mind, that if the South would only give him a fair trial they would find their constitutional rights as safe under his Administration as they had ever been under the administration of any Presi dent." Mr. Buchanan's Views. It will be interesting to learn Mr. Buchanan's views at this time. His corresin-pondence with Col. Hayne-published in the Charleston papers of February 4th, and the Message to Congress, February 8th, enclosing other and further correspondence with the Commissioners-give us a clear exposition of the President's policy, so far as he had a policy. The Message to Congress will be given in its proper order. From the correspondence given in the Charleston papers we may quote such portions as have become part of the history of the events regarding the mission of "He had been inquired of, whether he tended to recommend the repeal of the AntiFugitive Slave laws of the States? He replied that he had never read one of them, but that if they were of the character ascribed to them by Southern men, they certainly ought to be repealed. Whether as President of the United States he ought to interfere with State legislation by Presidential recommendation, required more thought than he had yet given the subject. He had also been |