CHAPTER XIX. PRESSURE FOR COMPROMISE. MR. LINCOLN'S POLICY. THE PEACE CONGRESS APPOINTMENTS. MENACING ATTITUDE OF AFFAIRS Outside Pressure for News Dispatches. EVENTS of the closing week of January tended to demonstrate the improbability of any settlement of the vexed questions between the North and South. A very strong pressure was brought to bear on Congress, by petitions, by letters, by special deputations, and by eminent men who gathered at the Capital to lend their influence to compromise. A delegation of thirty-three citizens, from Philadelphia, representing fifty thousand working-men of that city, visited Washington January 30th. In a call upon Senator Crittenden, they stated their object to be to testify their love for the Union and their desire to urge the adoption of the Crittenden Compromise by Congress. Delegations were "The Boards of Trade of Milwaukee and Chicago also present from New York and Boston, un-paid their respects, to-day, to President Buchanan derstood to represent the commercial inter- and to Senators Douglas, Seward and others. In ests of those great business centres. They, their interview with the President he said: “If Mr. too, favored the Crittenden propositions, Lincolu shall enjoy his accession to power as much and urged powerful monetary reasons why a settlement should be made. Great influence was exerted by the voice from Wall street. A conference of members of the Border States was held, January 30th, at the request of the delegation from New York City. The delegation urged that, as the Republicans would not receive the Crittenden resolutions, some other practical proposition should be devised which did not require any surrender of principle at their hands. Several members from the Border Slave States expressed a willingness to accept the Corwin propositions, "with proper modifications;" and even the lately belligerent Rust, of Arkansas, is represented as having exhibited a conciliatory disposition-so humanizing and harmonizing was the power of gold. Al though no definite proposition grew out of as I do my retirement from it, he will be a happy man." Senator Seward, in the course of his conversation with the Members of the Boards, said: "Heretofore the cry has been raised to save the Union, when the Union was not in danger. I tell you, my friends, the question of Slavery is not now to be taken into account. We must save the Union. Then we save all that is worth saving." "The great point now aimed at by the friends of the Union is to avoid all pretext for a collision by the Seceding States, in the hope that the sober, second thought of the people,' if adjustment meas ures shall be presented, will induce them to resume their connection with the Federal Government. "The friends of the Union are much encou raged by the prompt responses to the invitation for Commissioners from the several States to meet in Convention here on the 4th of February, and it is believed the action of the Convention will command POSITION OF MR. LINCOLN'S PARTY. the support of a large majority of both branches of Congress. 289 The same journal added, as to the real attitude of the party : "This is not only to be taken as Mr. Lincoln's declaration of his own views, but it amply expresses the conviction of every unshaken Republican as to the duty of the hour. First inaugurate the new Administration and determine the question of questions whether we have a Government, or only a Mexican "It is now certain that private letters have been received from Mr. Lincoln, urging his friends to conciliation and compromise, and it is stated that he indicates the Border State resolutions as a reasonable basis of adjustment. The assurance is given that this information is reliable. Soon after the Electoral vote shall be counted in the presence of the two Houses of Congress, on the second Wednes- anarchy; and when that problem is disposed of, it day in February, Mr. Lincoln will acquaint the public with his views on the pending crisis. Here will be time enough to consider and settle matters of inferior consequence." The speeches 'made dur tofore he has not felt that it was proper for him, in ing the week by leading Position of his Party. advance of the official declaration of his election, to take a prominent part in the direction of political affairs." Mr. Lincoln's Position. This latter dispatch created much remark, particularly in Republican circles, with whom compromise by concession was rapidly becoming unpopular. It received, however, an early rejoinder from Springfield, Ill. The Journal, of that city, understood to speak for Mr. Lincoln, in its issue of January 29th, said: "The country may rest assured that in Abraham Lincoln they have a Republican President-one who will give them a Republican Administration. Mr. Lincoln is not committed to the Border State Compromise, nor to any other. He stands immovably on the Chicago Platform, and he will neither acquiesce in, nor counsel his friends to acquiesce in, any compromise that surrenders one iota of it." This was confirmed by an editorial in a Leading Republican journal of New York City, which, in its issue of the 30th, said of the news dispatch: "We do not hesitate to say that these statements are false and calumnious. We have the best authority for saying that Mr. Lincoln is opposed to all concessions of the sort. We know that his views are fully expressed in his own language as follows:" I will suffer death before I will consent or advise my friends to consent to any concession or compromise which looks like buying the privilege of taking possession of the Government to which we have a constitutional right; be. cause, whatever I might think of the merit of the various propositions before Congress, I should regard any concession in the face of menace as the destruction of the Govern ment itself, and a consent on all hands that our system shall be brought down to a level with the existing disorganized state of affairs in Mexico. But this thing will hereafter be, as it is now, in the hands of the people; and if they desire to call a Convention to remove any grievances complained ff, or to give new guarantees for the permanence of vested ights, it is not mine to oppose.'" Republicans confirmed this view. Wilson, of Massachusetts, Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, Adams, of Massachusetts, Seward, of New York, Conkling, of New York, and others, while they deprecated a course likely to precipitate matters, still were so firm in their Union sentiments, and so resolute in demanding the fullest obedience to the laws, that the country felt their minds were made up against concessions to the extent demanded. Both Messrs. Seward and Adams were eminently conciliatory; both strove so to harmonize feelings as to place the responsibility of further revolution on the Border Slave States. But, the stern fact that South Carolina disdained to be represented at the "Peace Congress," [see page 256,] and, speaking for the States soon to gather at Montgomery to establish a new Confederacy, gave indications that no settlement was wanted or was possible,* the declarations of withdrawing members, and of Pryor, of Virginia, proving that concessions would prove futile * The Charleston Mercury, in its issue of January 25th, expressed the feeling of its partisans as regarded compromise in these words :-"What remains to us still, to be surrendered by compromise? Our homesteads, agriculture, slaves, wives, and children. And these may very soon go, where a people are represented by those who seem to have compromised away their own manhood. Verily, the attitude they now exhibit, supplicants at the feet of Black Republicanism, for simple words of fraud and evasion, which will enable them still to compromise away the rights and securities of a people, strips them of all claim, whether as men of sense or men of honor; and, if Black Republicans should spurn them, as An. tonio spurned and spat upon Shylock, their proper speech would be, in the language of Maworm in the play: We loves to be contemptible!'" to restore the Seceded States-all tended to p confirm the conviction prevailing, to a great extent, in all the Free States, that compromise would not only prove useless but would savor of weakness, and must, therefore, in no small degree, commit the new Administration | to a line of policy at once embarrassing and humiliating. Mr. Lincoln's position unquestionably was wisely chosen, so far as he was concerned; and daily the public mind became convinced that his "non-committalism," at least, was prudent and sagacious. The appointment, by the Governors and Legislatures of the several States, of “Commissioners" to the "Peace Congress," pretty clearly indicated the character of that assemblage of men. As a general thing conservatives" were chosen. So decidedly did the cool and cautious element predominate that it was called "the Old Gentlemen's" Congress. The appointments, as announced, were as follows: Pennsylvania: Wm. M. Meredith, Ex-Gov. Pollock, David Wilmot, Judge Thos. White, Thos. E. Franklin, A. W. Loomis, and Wm. McKennan. Ohio: Ex-Gov. Salmon P. Chase, Hon. Thos. Ewing, Judge J. C. Wright, Wm. Groesbeck, Judge Reuben Hitchcock, Judge J. T. Backus, and V. B. Horton. Kentucky: Hon. James Guthrie, Gen. Wm. O. Butler, Ex-Gov. Wickliffe, Ex-Gov. Moorehead, Joshua F. Bell, and James B. Clay. Maryland: Reverdy Johnson, Aug. W. Bradford, Wm. S. Goldsborough, Jno. W. Crisfield, and J. Dixon Roman. Missouri: Waldo P. Johnson, Judge Hough, Col. Doniphan, Judge Berckner, and John D. Coulter. Indiana Hon. Caleb B. Smith, P. A. Huckleman, G. S. Orth, E. W. H. Lewis, and T. C. Sloughton. Massachusetts: Jno. B. Goodrich, Chas. Allen, Ex-Gov. Boutwell, M. Forbes, Francis B. Crowningshield, Theo. P. Chandler, and Richard P. Waters. New York: David Dudley Field, Wm. Curtis Noyes, James C. Smith, Amaziah B. James, James S. Wadsworth, Erastus Corning, up under Mr. Lincoln's supervision. They were adopted February 1st, and read as follows: Whereas, Resolutions of the State of Virginia have been communicated to the General Assembly of this State, proposing the appointment of Commissioners by the several States, to meet in Convention on the 4th day of February, 1861, at Washington: 64 Resolved, by the Senate, the House of Representatives concurring herein, That with the earnest de sire for the return of harmony and kind relations among our States, and out of respect to the Commonwealth of Virginia, the Governor of the State be requested to appoint five Commissioners on the part of Illinois to confer and consult with the Commissioners of other States who shall meet at Washington; provided, that said Commissioners shall at all times be subject to the control of the General As sembly of the State of Illinois. "Resolved, That the appointment of Commissioners by the State of Illinois in response to the invita tion of the State of Virginia, is not an expression of opinion on the part of this State that any amend ment of the Federal Constitution is requisite to afford to the people of the Slaveholding States adequate guarantees for security of their rights, nor an ap proval of the basis of settlement of our difficulties proposed by the State of Virginia, but it is an ex pression of our willingness to unite with the State of Virginia in an earnest effort to adjust the present unhappy controversy in the spirit in which the Constitution was originally framed and consistently with New Hampshire: Amos Tuck, Asa Fowler, its principles. and Levi Chamberlain. Rhode Island: Chief-Justice Ames, Alex. Duncan, Ex-Gov. Hoppin, Geo. H. Browne, and Saml. Y. Arnold. Vermont: Ex-Gov. Hiland Hall, Lieut.Gov. Levi Underwood, Gen. H. Henny Baxter, Hons. L. E. Chittenden and D. B. Harris. Illinois: John Wood, Gustavus A. Korner, Stephen T. Logan, Thos. J. Turner, and Burton C. Cook.* * The Illinois Legislature resolves relating to the Commission were understood to have been drawn "Resolved, That while we are willing to appoint Commissioners to meet in Convention with those of other States for consultation upon matters which at present distract our harmony as a nation, we also insist that the appropriate constitutional method of considering and acting upon the grievances complained of by our sister States would be by the call of a Convention for the amendment of the Constitu tion in the manner contemplated by the fifth article of that instrument; and if the States deeming them. selves aggrieved shall request Congress to call such Convention, the Legislature of Illinois will and doze concur in such call." COL. HAYNE' 8 FINAL DEMAND. 291 Addison Gardiner, Greene C. Bronson, Wm. | Government that it would in- Warlike Attitude of Affairs at Fort Sumter remained unchanged at the Col. Hayne's Final South Carolina has evitably lead to immediate hos- sideration of mere property, apart from honor and assembling of the Confedesafety, which could induce her to do aught to the rate Congress, February 4th. Anderson's prejudice of that peace, still less to inaugurate a industry had enabled him to mount. sufficient protracted and bloody civil war. She holds her poguns, bearing on the opposing fortifications, sition on something higher than mere property. It to make a stern defence in event of an as- is in consideration of her own dignity as a sovereign, sault. Works continued to go up on Morris,' and the safety of her people, which prompts her to Sullivans' and James' Islands. The activity demand that the property should not longer be used of South Carolinians betokened a stubborn as a military post by a Government she no longer spirit of war. Among other instruments of acknowledges. She feels this to be her imperative offense a floating battery was under construc-duty--it has, in fact, become an absolute necessity tion, during January, which gave promise of proving a formidable engine of destruction. It was designed to mount a number of heavy guns, and to be worked at any convenient point. Being constructed of green pine and palmetto logs and ribbed with heavy railroad iron, it was regarded as impervious to shot. Its construction, as well as the erection of several elaborate batteries and defences on the islands named, proved that the beleaguered eighty men would experience the hazard of a terrific assault, when the word was given to open fire on Sumter. Colonel Hayne, the South Carolina Commissioner to the Federal Government, made his final demand of the President, Thursday, January 31st. His first call was made on the President, January 15th [see page 244.] He was, however, induced, by the influence of Jefferson Davis and nine other Senators, to make no formal demand, as at that time his orders seemed to require; and the telegraph to Charleston was freely used by these parties, in their endeavors to hold the matter in abeyance. These gentlemen opened, in the stead of Colonel Hayne, a correspondence with the President, which was turned over to Secretary Holt to answer [see page 254, &c.] Colonel Haynes' final demand, however, was made January 31st. The concluding portion of his letter to the President read as follows: "To send reenforcements to Fort Sumter, could not serve as a means of protecting and preserving the property, for it must be known to your of her condition. Repudiating, as you do, the idea of coercion, avowing peaceful intentions, and exstrife, among those who were once brethren, it is pressing a patriot's horror of civil war and bloody hoped that, on further consideration, you will not, on a mere question of property, refuse the reasonable demand of South Carolina, which honor and necessity alike compel her to indicate. Should you disappoint this hope, the responsibility for the result surely does not rest with her. If the evils of war are to be encountered, especially the calamities of civil war, elevated statesmanship would seem to require that it should be accepted as the unavoidable alternative of something still more disastrous, such as national dishonor, or measures materially affecting the safety or permanent interests of a people; that it should be a choice deliberately made and entered upon-war and its set purpose. But that war should be the incident or accident attendant on a policy professedly peaceful, and not required to effect the object which is avowed as the only end intended, can only be excused where there has been no warning given as to the consequences. I am instructed, further, to say that South Carolina cannot, by her silence, appear to acquiesce in the imputation that she was guilty of an act of unprovoked aggression, in firing on the Star of the West. Though an unarmed vessel she was filled with armed men, entering her territories against her will, with the purpose of reenforcing a garrison held within her limits and against her protest. She forbears to recriminate by discussing the question of the propriety of attempting such reenforcement at all, as well as of the disguised and secret manner in which it was intended to be effected, and on this occasion she will say nothing as to the manner in which Fort Sumter was taken into the possession of its present Col. Hayne's Final Demand. occupant. The interposition of the Senators who have addressed you was a circumstance unexpected by my Government, and unsolicited, certainly, by me. The Governor of South Carolina, while he appreciates the high and generous motives by which they were prompted, and while he fully approves the delay which, in deference to them, has taken place in the presentation of this demand, feels that it cannot longer be withheld. I conclude with an abstract from instructions just received by me from the Government of South Carolina : 'I have determined to send to you the Hon. J. W. Hayne, the Attorney-General of the State of South Carolina, and have instructed him to demand the surrender of Fort Sumte in the harbor of Charleston to the constituted authority of South Carolina. This demand I have made of Major Anderson, and which I now make of you, is suggested, because of my earnest desire to avoid the bloodshed which a persistence in your attempt to retain the possession of that fort will cause, and which will be unavailing to secure to you that possession, but induce a calamity most deeply to be deplored.' "The character of the demand which was author The letter of the President through Mr. Holt may be re-ized to be made appears, under the influence, I preceived as the reply to the question you were instructed to ask. As to his assertion of his right to send reenforcements to Fort Sumter, you were instructed to say to him, if he asserted that right, that the State of South Carolina regarded such a right when asserted, or with an attempt at its exer. cise, as a declaration of war. If the President intends it shall not be so understood, it is proper, to avoid any miscon ception hereafter, that he should be informed of the manner in which the Governor will feel bound to regard it. If the President, when you have stated the reasons which prompt the Governor, in making the demand for the delivery of Fort Sumter, upon the pledge you have been authorized to make, should refuse, you will communicate that refusal without delay to the Governor. If the President shall not be prepared to give you an immediate answer, you will communicate to him that his answer may be transmitted within a reasonable time to the Government at this place, (Charleston.) The Governor does not consider it necessary that you should remain longer in Washington than is necessary to execute this, the closing duty of your mission, in the manner now indicated to you. As soon as the Governor shall receive from you information that you have closed your mission, and the reply, whatever it may be, of the President, he will consider the conduct which may be necessary on his part.' "Allow me to request that you will, as soon as possible, inform me whether, under these instructions, I need await your answer in Washington, and if not, I would be pleased to convey from you to my Government information as to the time when an answer may be expected in Charleston." The reply to this communication was not made until February 6th, when it was answered, at some length, by Secretary Holt. It is an important paper in all its bearings, in defining what must be the relation of the Federal Government to its property everywhere, what its rights of jurisdiction, and the nature of its political supremacy. We therefore give it at length: Secretary Holt's Rejoinder "WAR DEPARTMENT, Feb. 6, 1861. "SIR: The President has re ceived your letter of the 31st ult., and has charged me with the duty of replying thereto. In the communication addressed to the President by Gov. Pickens, under date of the 12th January, and which ac sume, of the correspondence with the Senators to which you refer, to have been modified by the subsequent instructions of his Excellency, dated the 26th and received by yourself on the 30th of January, in which he says: If it be so, that Fort Sumter is held as property, the rights, whatever they may be, of the United States can be ascertained, and for the satisfaction of these rights, on the pledge of the State of South Carolina, you are authorized to give the full scope.' The precise purport of your instructions, as thus modified, you have expressed in the following words: 'I do not come as a military man to demand the surrender of a fortress, but as the legal officer of the State, its Attorney-General, to claim for the State the exercise of its undoubted right of eminent domain, and to pledge the State to make good all injury to the rights of property which arise from the exercise of the claim,' and lest this explicit language should not sufficiently define your position, you add : The proposition now is that her (South Carolina's) law officer should, under the authority of the Governor and his council, distinctly pledge the faith of South Carolina to make such compensation in regard to Fort Sumter and its appurtenances and contents, to the full extent of the money value of the property of the United States delivered over to the authorities of South Carolina by your command.' You then adopt his Excellency's train of thought upon the subject, so far as relates to the suggestion that the possession of Fort Sumter by the United States, if continued long enough, must lead to a collision, and that an attack upon it would scarcely improve it as property, whatever the result;and if captured it would no longer be the sub ject of account. "The proposal, then, now presented to the President, is simply an offer, on the part of South Carolina, to buy Fort Sumter and contents as property of the United States, sustained by a declaration in effect that if she is not permitted to make a purchase, she will seize the Fort by force of arms. "As the invitation of a negotiation for the transfer of property between friendly Governments, this |