MR.

WILKINSON'S SPEECH.

473

The Corwin Amendments in the Senate.

Wilkinson's Speech

forming every obligation they are under to every portion of this Confederacy. No one has a right to ask more than this, and no one has a right to ask us to give bonds for our good behavior. We are ready to perform every constitutional obligation and comply with every law and every duty imposed upon us, but we scorn the man or the party, or the power, that asks us to give bonds for our good behavior. We have a right in the Government; and when we

win amendment to the Constitution, Bigler, | Standing upon the Constitution (Dem.,) of Pennsylvania, moved to suspend and upon the laws as they are, the rule which prevented bills or resolutions the people of my State are not from being read and passed the same day, willing that wrong shall be done to any man or any so far as related to propositions to amend the section, but she demands that justice shall be done to Constitution. This resolution was passed, all. Believing they are right, the people of the Northwest will adhere to their conviction, faithfully per by a vote of 20 to 16, and, after much badgering, chiefly between Messrs. Mason and Douglas, the Senate voted to take up the House joint resolution to amend the Constitution of the United States. The Senator from Ohio moved to amend the resolution by striking out the words "authorize or"-which he conceived to be bad grammar and worse English. After some discus-elect a President, under the Constitution and the sion of this point, the amendment was carried laws, we claim that, without let or hindrance, and without giving bonds, he shall be President of the by the casting vote of the Chair, much to the regret of Messrs. Douglas, Crittenden, and down before him, and yield all the Constitution gives United States. Elect your man, and we will bow others, who said any amendment would ne--and you have no right to demand more than this cessitate a delay, which would kill it. A reconsideration was, however, had, when, after much further precious time spent on the trivial matter, the amendment was disagreed to. Pugh then moved to amend the entire resolution by substituting the Crittenden resolutions.

Minnesota's Senti

ment.

Wilkinson, (Rep.,) of Minnesota, addressed the Senate at some length. He said he opposed both amendments and the original resolution. He reflected with some severity upon the course pursued by the opposition, to humiliate the Republicans and the Northern Free State sentiment, by forcing thern into compromise. The closing portion of his remarks were as follows:

64

The young State which I have the honor in part to represent here will remain in this Union, under the old Constitution, just as it was, performing every duty which that Constitution imposes upon her, and ready at all times to perform every obligation and yield to any reasonable demand which that Constitution can require, or that anybody can require under that sacred instrument. But when her people are required to surrender their principles and denounce their political opinions, they will never submit to any such humiliation-never. I have no right to speak for anybody but myself and the State I represent, and I do not attempt to. Yet for that State and myself I say here, no matter what the consequences may be to her and myself, we have taken no step from which we intend to recede.

of us. I know nothing abont these Personal Liberty bills, of which you complain. But if you have any grievances against my State, present them, and, brave men as they are, like honorable men as they are, they will, without any apologies, perform their constitutional obligations. But, sir, when you a-k us, before we enter into our house at the other end of this avenue, and which belongs to us under the' Constitution, that we shall give bonds for our good behavior, we spurn it, as proud people anywhere would spurn any such miserable compromises. The people of the North-west will never consent to the session of the mouth of the Mississippi River. Yet idea that the Southern Confederacy shall take posthe madmen of the State which bears the name of that noble river have planted batteries upon its banks, and attempt to exercise a control over the navigation of that great highway of nations. This of itself is an act of war. It is war, and I need not say that millions in the mighty North-west stand ready to-day to maintain the free navigation of that river, if, to secure it, they shall be obliged to desolate its banks from the mouth of the Ohio to the Balize; and they will do it. I am well aware there are brave hearts in these States, who are putting forth all their efforts to save this Union from destruction, and to avert the horrors of civil war; and I am prepared to join with those friends of our common country to avart from us the fearful calamity; and to accomplish this, I would do much that, under other circumstances, I might not do. I sincerely hope and pray we may recover from this revolution without bringing war, with all its attendant horrors, upon us; but if war must come, I have an abiding

faith that the flag of our Union, the old flag, the flag of the Revolution, will, in the future as it did in the past, wave in glory and triumph over the vanguard of a victorious American army.

Random Debate.

Doolittle, (Rep.,) of Wisconsin, offered, as an amendment to Mr. Pugh's amendment, his own resolution, [see page 464.]

Douglas said he hoped to be allowed to take a vote. They were spending the night in talking, and preventing action on valuable bills. It was now 10 o'clock.

Chandler referred to the remarks of the Senator from Kentucky, (Powell,) and asked if a compromise was made, would he go for the enforcement of the laws in all the States. Powell said that he would enforce the laws in all the States of the Union, but he was opposed to all coercion in any of the States. He thought civil war would destroy all hopes of peace.

Rice, (Dem.,) of Minnesota, said the people of the North-west knew their own rights too well to suppose that the navigation of the great river will ever be impeded by anything except ice.

Wigfall-And low water. [Laughter.] If the Senator will put that in, I will accept of his amendment. He predicted that Mr. Lincoln would leave the Chicago Platform, and go for peace; receive the Commissioners from the Confederated States, and, instead of making war, would withdraw the forces from the forts. He did not think there would be war now.

Rice was sorry the discussion had taken this form. He did not believe the people of the North-west would vote one dollar for coercion.

Wigfall continued, saying he believed that nothing short of the acknowledgment of the right of secession would satisfy the South. As to the propositions of the Peace Conference, if no other reason existed, if they were adopted, all the States which were not gone would immediately go out.

Crittenden said he would like to submit a

few remarks, but, as it was so late, he doubted if it was best to go on.

Chandler replied, denouncing all compromise with traitors. The question was, whether we have a Government or not? If we have no Government here, he (Chandler) would emigrate to some other place where they had a Government, even to the Camanches. He contended that the Union sentiment would eventually triumph in the South, and overthrow the very men who now howl against Union. The South will gain no ben-motion of Hunter, of Virginia, the Senate efit from disunion; it will only bring a Canada to their own borders. He deprecated civil war, but anarchy was still worse. was willing to yield anything to true Union men, but nothing to traitors.

He

Wigfall replied. He said it was strange that men say they mean nothing personal, and yet make wholesale charges of theft against a party. Unfortunately, the North did not always send men here who were either gentlemen or Christians. When he (Wigfall) called a man a scoundrel, he meant what he said, and held himself responsible for it. He hoped the Senator (Chandler) would not turn himself over to the Caman

This random discussion, fruitless as it was, consumed the time to midnight, when, on

adjourned to Sunday evening at 7 o'clock. Sunday evening the crowd for admittance was immense. Vast numbers failed to gain even standing room. Mr. Crittenden proceeded to address the Sen

Mr. Crittenden's
Last Appeal.

ate, but the noise in the
galleries was so great as to
render his speech inaudible. Douglas and

others called the crowd a mob, and demand-
ed that it be driven from the chamber.
Order being somewhat restored, Mr. Critten-
den proceeded. A report, in brief, of his
speech, was as follows:

"He said the country was in danger, and meas ures had been proposed to save it; but we sit here and have done nothing, presenting the spectacle to

measures for the public safety, and acknowledging to the world that we can do nothing. He paid a

ches. They suffered a great deal already by the country that we are incompetent to devise contact with the whites. [Laughter.] He (Wigfall) declared that the navigation of the Mississippi would never be impeded by the Seceded States.

high compliment to the Senator from Pennsylva. nia for his untiring zeal for the cause of the Union.

Mr. Crittenden's Last
Appeal.

MR. TRUMBULL'S DECLARATIONS.

He said one of the great questions of the difficulty was the Territorial question, and referred to the resolutions of Mr. Clay, which, he said, were intended to take the question out of Congress. The question now is, that the South, having seen itself excluded from the Territory, they think they have as much right as other sections in the Territory of the United States. But you deny it them. Their blood and their money helped to acquire it. The question has reached a point where it is of vital interest. The question is not of party, but of the union of the country. He referred to New Mexico as a barren country, which he thought could not become a Slave State. We are not here to talk on the disadvantages of Slavery, but as to constitutional rights, and the South think they have as much right to carry it in emigration as you have to any of your systems of labor. Is that so great a cause of complaint as to bring upon the country all the great evils of disanion? If we cannot agree, let us divide the Territory-you go on one side and we go on the other. We talk about our fathers, and what did they do? He then referred to the compromise of 1820, as an example. He said all that belonged to the South now was one poor Territory, and all they asked was to let the South remain as it is. You are coming into power, and we ask you to give us some security that you will not abuse your power in that Territory. He believed that all that is necessary to settle the great mischief that is going on is to agree that in this sterile Territory the state of things shall remain as it is. Till when? Forever, gentlemen, say-but till this Territory shall have one hundred thousand inhabitants, when it will be admitted as a State, and then they will dispose of the question as they please. This is all that is asked. He said all, because in respect to fugitives there is no difficulty. That is settled by the Constitution. In regard to the District of Columbia, he argued, as it was ceded by Maryland, it would be an act of bad faith to abolish Slavery without the consent of Maryland. He asked if it was not worth something, even if we could not bring back States, to preserve those which have not gone; or is an idea and dogma not in the Constitution, but which has its origin in the peculiar idea of the people of a certain section, to be an inseparabie barrier to measures of policy necessary to save the country? Propositions were offered by him as a Senator of the United States, and not as a compromise from the North to the South, but measures which he offered as a Senator, were for the equality of all. He would not offer a proposition unfair to either section. He trusted in God; neither his feeling nor principle would allow him to attack or permit any

475

Mr. Crittenden's Last
Appeal.

thing unfair to one section or the other. Yet, Senators say, let us have no compromise; let us have blood first. But the Bible says, First be reconciled to thy brother before thou layest thy gift on the altar.' Yet gentlemen would not give a straw for reconciliation; but our business is to preserve the Union. If not, what would be the consequences? Who knows? He did not. He would advise that, if injustice were done now, the Union was worth bearing much for. Party passion and excitement would not last always, and if one Congress do wrong another may do right. But this cry of no compromise was like the old cry of the Romans, ræ victis-woe to the conquered, and now translated No Compromise. He claimed that the Constitution intended to leave the people of the States free to act as they pleased in regard to their domestic institutions, and contended that the numerous petitions received from all parts of the country were an evidence that the heart of the people was right, and in favor of peace and reconciliation with their brethren, aud that they were not willing to have their children go to war for a trifle and a dogma. We are one people of the same blood, and one family, and must compromise family troubles. He was for Union, and not for secession, and would say to Kentucky, stand by the Union, till necessity forces you out, with constancy and fidelity. This was the best Government in the world, notwithstanding the bad administration sometimes, and he would have Kentucky stand by the Union, if rebellion swept over the whole land, like the last soldier of a brave band, till everything was gone, and then consider what next should be done. This was his principle and his advice. He was about to part from his friends here, and had spoken in truth and soberness what he believed. He had hoped something would have been done to pacify the country, and this resolution from the House, though not sufficient, would still be a ray of sunshine. He expressed great confidence in the integrity of the people, and appealed to the Senate to have a vote, that something, at least, may be done which would be a step towards peace and harmony-something to save the Union. He begged those who declared they would not amend the Constitution to reconsider, and think how the condition of the country would be changed."

Trumbull's Decla

rations.

tion. He was tired of hearing talk of usurpation and injustice in the Territories. Why not make the appeal to the men with arms in their hands against the Government. Then he referred to the trouble in the Territories and the first attempt to break up the Union in 1832; then in 1850 another attempt was made to break up the Union, but after a while peace was secured. Then in 1853 a proposition was made in the Senate which reopened the agitation. But secession would not have triumphed if there had not been complicity with treason in the very Cabinet of the Government. The President received Commissioners, who, under any other Government, would have been hung for treason; and, not untill the last moment, when forced to take sides, and either join the Secessionists and let Major Anderson perish, or to meet the anger of his countrymen, did the President declare for the Union and speak, though feebly, for the United States. But he had allowed the Secessionists to do as they pleased, till they had taken the forts and property of the Government to a great amount.

Trumbull's Decla rations.

ico. If they want to do
anything, go back to the
Missouri Compromise and
stand to that, which will restore peace to
the country. In regard to the House reso-
lutions, he said thať all agreed that Congress
had not the right to interfere with Slavery
in the States. He would not interfere, but
he would never, by his vote, make one slave;
and the people of the great North-west would
never consent by their act to establish Slav-
ery anywhere. He was willing, though he
did not think the Constitution needed amend-
ments, to vote for recommending to the
States a proposition for calling a Convention
to consider amendments. But our Southern
friends ask for something to stand on. The
best rock in the world to stand on is the old
Constitution as framed by our fathers, and
not suffer it to be trampled and amended.
States have been arming themselves, and tell
us they will fight against the Government if
we attempt to enforce the laws, which they
call "coercion." He could tell the Senator
from Texas that he was for enforcing the
laws. By this he did not mean marching
an army to coerce a State, but that he want-

ernment. He referred to the fact that Virginia sent an ultimatum, and then armed herself for the purpose of armed intervention between the Government and the States in rebellion, and argued that under such circumstances Senators ought not to present propositions here for our acceptance. He contended that the attitude of Virginia was an act of menace.

Wigfall interrupted, wishing to be informed to settle the question if we have a Goved if Mr. Lincoln's Administration would pursue the same policy, or whether it would attempt to recapture the forts and property? Trumbull replied that the Texas Senator would find out his opinion before he got through with his speech, and he (Trumbull) trusted that Wigfall would learn the opinions of the new Administration on the morrow from the eastern steps of the Capitol. He This speech, coming from a Senator inadded: "I apprehend the Senator will learn to-morrow that we have a Government, timate in his relations with the Presidert, and that it is the beginning of maintaining was supposed to indicate the new Adminis the Union." Mr. Trumbull continued, after tration's policy, and therefore attracted much the several interruptions, referring to the ac- consideration on the floor. It is doubtful, tion of the Secretaries of War and Navy, however, if he spake for Mr. Lincoln by ausending away the Army and Navy till they thority. The President was notably silent on had no defences left. Secession would never questions of his future conduct, and was If Mr. Seward spoke for have reached such a height if we had a Gov-wise in his silence. ernment. He spoke against the compro- him, in proposing, as a substitute for the mises which had been offered. He was will- Peace Conference scheme, the calling of a ing to take the Missouri Compromise, but National Convention, he may have acted on thesc were nothing like that. He contended the suggestion of the Executive, though it that the effect of these compromises would is not probable that he ever committed himbe to declare Slavery perpetual in New Mex- | himself thus far; and Mr. Trumbull, if

THE CLOSING SCENE.

he did indicate the course afterwards pur- | decision of the Chair, that two-thirds of a sued, did so by no special authorization of quorum complied with the constitutional the President-elect. His views, and those ex-requisition. The Senate sustained the Chair, pressed by Mr. Wade, were simply the Re- by a vote of 33 to 1-that single "nay" bepublican ultimate of the discussions of the ing Wade, of Ohio. winter.