cret of all this unprecedented proceeding in their masters, they must not impute it to their freedom in debate, or declaring their opinions, but to that unparliamentary abufe of fetting individuals upon their shoulders, who were hated by God and man. For, it seems the mafs of the people, in fuch conjunctures as this, have opened their eyes, and will not endure to be governed by Clodius and Curio, at the head of their Myrmidons, though these be ever fo numerous, and compofed of their own reprefentatives.

This averfion of the people against the late proceedings of the commons, is an accident, that if it laft a while, might be improved to good ufes for fetting the balance of power a little more upon an equality, than their late measures seem to promife or admit. This accident may be imputed to two caufes: the firft is, a univerfal fear and apprehenfion of the greatnefs and power of France, whereof the people in general feem to be very much and justly poffeffed, and therefore cannot but resent to see it, in fo critical a juncture, `wholly laid afide by their minifters, the commons. The other caufe is, a great love and sense of gratitude in the people towards their present king, grounded upon a long opinion and experience of his merit, as well as conceffions to all their reasonable defires; fo that it is for fome time they have begun to fay, and to fetch inftances, where he has in many things been hardly ufed. How long these humours may laft, (for paffions are momentary, and especially those of a multitude) or what confequences they may produce, a

little time will discover. But whenever it comes to pass, that a popular affembly, free from fuch obstructions, and already poffeffed of more power, than an equal balance will allow, fhall continue to think they have not enough, but by cramping the hand that holds the balance, and by impeachments or diffentions with the nobles, endeavour still for more; I cannot poffibly fee, in the common course of things, how the fame caufes can produce different effects and consequences among us, from what they did in Greece and Rome.

THE

THE

SENTIMENTS

OF A

Church of England Man

With refpect to

RELIGION and GOVERNMENT.

W

Written in the Year 1708.

HOEVER has examined the conduct and proceedings of both parties, for fome years past, whether in or out of power, cannot well conceive it poffible to go far towards the extremes of either, without offering fome violence to his integríty, or understanding. A wife and a good man may indeed be sometimes induced to comply with a number, whose opinion he generally approves, though it be perhaps against his own. But this liberty should be made ufe of upon very few occafions, and thofe of small importance, and then only with a view of bringing over his own fide, another time, to fomething of greater and more publick moment. But to facrifice the innocency of a friend, the good of our country, or our own confcience, to the humour, or paffion, or interest of a party, plainly fhews, that either our heads or our hearts are not as they should be: yet this very practice is the fundamental law of each faction among us, as may be obvious to any, who will impartially, and without engagement, be

at

at the pains to examine their actions, which however is not so easy a task: for it seems a principle in human nature, to incline one way more than another, even in matters where we are wholly unconcerned. And it is a common obfervation, that in reading a history of facts done a thousand years ago, or standing by at play among those, who are perfect strangers to us, we are apt to find our hopes and wishes engaged on a fudden in favour of one fide more than another. No wonder then that we are all fo ready to intereft ourselves in the course of publick affairs, where the most inconfiderable have fome real fhare, and by the wonderful importance which every man is of to himself, a very great imaginary

one.

And indeed, when the two parties, that divide the whole commonwealth, come once to a rupture, without any hopes left of forming a third, with better principles, to balance the others, it seems every man's duty to choose one of the two fides, though he cannot entirely approve of either; and all pretences to neutrality, are justly exploded by both, being too stale and obvious, only intending the fafety and ease of a few individuals, while the publick is embroiled. This was the opinion and practice of the latter Cato, whom I efteem to have been the wife and best of all the Romans. But before things proceed to open violence, the trueft fervice a private man may hope to do his country, is, by unbiaffing his mind as much as poffible, and then endeavouring to moderate between the rival powers; which muft needs be owned a fair proceeding with the world,

because

because it is, of all others, the leaft confiftent with the common defign of making a fortune, by the merit of an opinion.

N

ра

at

I have gone as far as I am able in qualifying my-de felf to be fuch a moderator: I believe I am no bigot in religion, and I am fure I am none in govern-v ment. I converse in full freedom with many confiderable men of both parties; and if not in equal number, it is purely accidental and perfonal, as happening to be near the court, and to have made acquaintance there, more under one miniftry than another. Then, I am not under the neceffity of declaring myself by the profpect of an employment. And lastly, if all this be not fufficient, I induftrioufly conceal my name, which wholly exempts me from any hopes and fears in delivering my opinion.

t

Г

C

с

t

( In confequence of this free use of my reason, I cannot poffibly think so well or so ill of either party, as they would endeavour to persuade the world of each other, and of themselves. For inftance; I do not charge it upon the body of the whigs or the tories, that their feveral principles lead them to introduce presbytery, and the religion of the church of Rome; or a commonwealth, and arbitrary power. For why should any party be accused of a principle, which they folemnly difown and protest against? But, to this they have a mutual anfwer ready: they both affure us, that their adversaries are not to be believed; that they difown their principles out of fear, which are manifest enough, when we examine their practices. To prove this, they will produce instances, on one fide, either of avowed prefbyte