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ity, the true history of the first part of this affair, otherwise almost incomprehensible. It appears that there were intrigues on the part of the discontented and violent who created, by means of the unwary spirit of the Spanish Minister, an imaginary diplomatic quarrel, and the storm, which afterwards increased by evil winds, by the agency of unsettled and ambitious characters in the Spanish squadron, by innumerable manifestoes indiscriminately signed, by the pure spirit of companion and countrymanship (and probably by motives less noble) has become a positive war between two countries which yesterday were living in the most perfect harmony.

Now permit to me consider the second part of this lamentable affair, or rather its denouement, for it is almost impossible to imagine that causes so insignificant should have produced such disastrous results, unless in this same denouement there may have intervened circumstances equally peculiar and no less incomprehensible to a dispassionate critic, than those which I have hastily mentioned.

In this unfortunate conflict, all has been a question of words. As, at the commencement, the bland and indecisive disposition of Mr. Tavira gave origin to the difficulty, so, in the end, the persistent obstinacy of Admiral Pareja has provoked the war. He was the most active promoter of the dissatisfaction with the Tavira-Covarrubias settlement, and since his arrival on the shores of the Pacificwhere he was born-has manifested such an inimical spirit to Chili, that many have been led to believe that he was prompted in his actions by the singular idea of avenging the death of his relative, General Pareja, who fell in the War of Independence, commanding a Spanish army on our coasts, fifty years ago.

The Tavira settlement, disapproved by the Spanish Government, through the influence of her Admiral in the Pacific, and Tavira himself dismissed from office, the error was committed of urging to the utmost reparation for the offence given and of replacing the Minister who was responsible for it. This was a signal evidence that Spain herself intentionally sought a war with Chili. The same thing had been done in Peru respecting the assault of Pinzon. Mazarredo was sent to make right his misdeeds, and, entrusted with the curing of the disease, had only made it worse. It was desirable to put an

end to the difficulties caused by the Tavira Convention, and so Admiral Pareja was sent to Chili-the very man who had been its bitterest censor, and who was interested in condeming it under all its phases. Could this fail to Kindle the flame which threatens to embrace us all, if the wood or the fire are approached to the pile already prepared?

And not only that; as an individual, as a character, Admiral Pareja has done all that was in his power to make a settlement impossible. He chose the glorious day which we celebrate as the anniversary of our independence, to arrive in our ports, without any intimation whatever tending to reunite the diplomatic relations which had not yet been broken, he sent us a peremptory and offensive ultimatum, to which there was no reply except war, and in fact commenced this by establishing, with four men-of-war, a blockade over the seventy or more ports of our coasts, without any previous notice to neutral comcommerce; seizing all Chilian property within reach of his guns, and jesting at all positive law of the public right of nations, as has been made evident by the unanimous protests of the Diplomatic and Consular Corps accredited to the Republic.

Thus it has been not events, but characters, not the offences of one nation against another, but the isolated acts of individuals, not mutual advantage nor the demands of the law of nations, but the personal defects of the emissaries of Spain, which have brought about this sad conflict, whose consequences it is given to none to foresee. The weakness of Mr. Tavira in getting up accusations destitute of all foundation, and the violence of Admiral Pareja in aggravating them by unjustifiable acts-in them you have the only cause of this war of individuals, of imperfect organizations, of inconsiderate elections on the part of the Spanish Government, so far, unfortunately for her, from the theater of events, and consequently incapable of comprehending their true character.

And it is necessary, sir, that you should understand that I speak here under the hypothesis, honorable and rational, that all Spain seeks in Chili is reparation for an imaginary grievance, and that such a claim may have been made in the most complete good faith.

I ought to declare to you, with the moderation which I

have tried not to lose for a single instant throughout this communication, that if unfortunately, Spain should cherish views with regard to our moral and forced submission to her influence, or of aggression upon our territory, or of isolated pretensions or in combination with other European powers, whichever they may be, and which have a tendency to alter in the least our institutions, Spain and her allies would have but one thing to hope for, now and always, from all Chileans-war, unceasing war, until the entire Republic were a mountain of ruin and her people en masse an immense cemetery.

Judge these events dispassionately, Mr. Editor, bringing to bear the public documents which refer to them, and this brief review of the private, or, if you will, mysterious part of them, and putting your hand upon your heart— the heart of a loyal and honorable Spaniard-declare if there is any cause, pretext or excuse whatever, for this war between two nations of the same origin, the same associations, and the same religion.

In the meantime, it is not for me to say what Chili will do in this contest, to which, without any desire or fault of hers, she has been provoked.

I will only permit myself, before concluding, to simply ask-having made evident the fact that this war ought not to be that it is without justification or possible excuse-what is the object which Spain has in view in carrying it on?

I understand that there may be, even in this age, wars without cause or motive, and with no other foundation than the abuse of power. But although I understand that, Mr. Editor, I cannot possibly imagine the existence, in these times, of a war without an object.

What does Spain pretend? Does she covet conquests, mercantile franchises, influences, political or purely social like those which England proposes to wrest from Japan with the canon, and Spain and France united from CochinChina? No! Nothing like that has the Spanish Government in view, because in truth it would be to insult her deeply to suppose that by such means she should propose to accomplish those ends in the present stage of civilization and the law of nations. Spain, then, rendering full homage to her good faith, simply proposes the revindication of her honor and the respect of her subjects in those distant countrics.

I have already clearly shown that that honor has not been offended in the least, and that that respect to Spanish subjects has been accorded in Chili, not from fear of Spain, certainly, but from innate love towards her, to the utmost limits of the most generous hospitality.

But I am willing to admit, for a moment, that Chili was guilty of one or the other fault. Was the course pursued by Pinzon, Mazarredo and Pareja the one which ought to lead to a satisfactory solution of the difficulty-to secure the noble ends which the Cabinet of Madrid had in view? Certainly not. On the contrary, the very opposite to that which they claimed should have been the result. Facts are proving it.

Mr. Tavira, in threatening notes, asked explanations from our Government, showing, in support of his haughtiness, the mouths of the cannons of his fleet. Nevertheless, the Chilian Government, without descending from its dignity, neither in its actions nor in its language, satisfied these diplomatic exactions fully and under the faith of the Spanish Government itself, through her exacting

envoy.

These explanations cast aside as insufficient, Admiral Pareja, instead of demanding others more satisfactory, as he appears to have been authorized to do by his ostensible powers, (explanations which Chili could still have given, without injury to her honor), sent an ultimatum, which is the last word of nations before the voice of the cannon. Did she succeed thus in her object? Quite the contrary, as you well know.

Subsequently, he declared a blockade of all our ports, as a means of pressure. Has he progressed thus in his plans? The declaration of war was our reply.

And, now, what more can he do? Bombard our ports, as he vaguely insinuates in his last dispatch to the English Minister in Chili. But in case of such barbarity, would he have the right to condemn the inevitable reprisal on our part?

Will Spain send new ships? Will she send troops for disembarkation? Will she drain her treasury and her best blood in expeditions much more distant than those of Santo Domingo ? And in the meantime, Chili, who needs assistance from no one to enable her to live and fight, will maintain her ground to a man, and the object of the war will never be attained.

Behold then, Mr. Editor-a war impossible of success on account of its causes, which had hardly authorized a diplomatic rupture, and which is going to be impossible in the attainment of its object.

And with regard to the weakness of Chili, for which you yourself, Mr. Editor, have asked, within my remembrance-doubtless, with the best intentions-a "little compassion," permit me to say a word, which will certainly not be a boast.

There is one force relative, and another intrinsic, possessed by all nations. Of the former, all the advantages are in favor of Chili, on account of the distance, the stormy seas, the high price of provisions, the scarcity of spoil in her waters, all the prerogatives, in fact, natural to a country which carries on a war in her own territory against one which comes to attack her from a distance of three thousaud leagues.

But Chili certainly relies more upon herself, upon her intrinsic strength than upon these accidents, which to a certain extent are extraneous.

She relies upon her credit intact, and which stands. highest in the markets of Europe. She relies upon the homogeneousness of her race and the political unity of all her inhabitants. She relies upon the valor always shown by her sons, upon those facile means which maritime law sanctions, and by which the weakest people may carry destruction and ruin to the very heart of the strongest. She relies upon the indomitable patriotism of her sons, who, in fifty years, have raised themselves from the most miserable colony of Spain to the most flourishing Republic of that part of the New World; and lastly, upon the justice of her cause, recognized, in the most explicit manner, solemnly and unanimously, by the impartial representatives of all the countries mutually friendly to Spain and Chili, and perhaps more friendly to the former than to the latter.

Judge, then, Mr. Editor, if Admiral Pareja is likely to succeed in the object of this war, which he alone has brought about, and which he alone expects to bring to an end by the right of might.

Do you know how that Republic has replied to the threat of war which Pareja has intimated with his four ships? By ordering the prolongation of telegraph lines

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