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throughout the Republic, the opening of immense highways, the completion of four or six lines of railroad in actual construction, the abolition of all taxes, and above all, by unanimously rejecting in Congress, (where the writer held an honorable place,) a law confiscating the property of Spaniards, at the very moment when the Spanish ships were confiscating all the Chilian property which they found within their reach.

Let the Spanish nation reflect upon what is passing in those distant seas-let the Government open its eyes to the light, the clear light of facts, and not to the obscure. and false light of mysterious acts and deceptive intrigues —and she will see that if a profound and immediate change does not take place in her policy towards these people, an immense abyss opens before her future. is not a threat, Mr. Editor. Heaven grant it may not be sad prophecy!


In the meantime, I have fulfilled, to the best of my ability, the promise which I made to you at the beginning of this letter-to speak only the truth of this deplorable affair.

To you and your colleagues of the press, who have done rare but honorable justice to our people, it is given to judge them as you see fit, inasmuch as I do not impose these revelations upon you, although faithful and wellmeant, as a rule of conduct, nor upon the press, nor upon the people of the Spanish Government.

With sentiments of distinguished consideration, your most obedient servant,




JANUARY 6, 1866.


Chili, Peru, Mexico and Saint Domingo.

From the New York Times of January 7, 1866. Quite a large meeting, all things considered, was held last night in the large hall of the Cooper Institute, for the avowed purpose of reaffirming the spirit of the Monroe Doctrine, and of expressing a sympathy with the feebler and struggling Republics of the Continent. The hall was appropriately decorated with bunting and transparencies. On a strip of cloth, stretched across the front of the platform, were the words, "Heroic Santo Domingo, Chili, Peru, Mexico. If they have not conquered, they will conquer." And on a draped transparency, the words, "Henry Winter Davis. His spirit lives with us to-night."

At eight o'clock, Mr. Squier, accompanied by W. C. Bryant, Peter Cooper, Edward E. Dunbar, Hon. Mr. Paston, and others, entered the hall, and were greeted with cheers.

Mr. Squier called the meeting to order, read the call, and nominated Mr. Bryant as President, with Messrs. Webb, Garrison, Jerome, Beekman, Cooper, Tieman, Leavitt, Walker, Greeley, Dunbar, Rosecrans, Paston, &c., as, vice-presidents, and Messrs. Bell, Wheeler, and Anthon as Secretaries.

President-William Cullen Bryant. Vice-Presidents— William H. Webb; Cornelius K. Garrison; Leonard W. Jerome; Hon. James W. Beekman; Peter Cooper; Danl. F. Tieman Rev. Joshua Leavitt; Hon. Robt. J. Walker; Major-General J. A, Garfield; Manton Marble; Hon. Horace Greeley; John E. Williams; Edward E. Dunbar; Major-General Rosecrans ; Hon. Hiram Walbridge; Hon. Theo. E. Tomlinson; General E. L. Viele; Hon. Charles D. Paston. Secretaries-J. B. Wheelock; Col. J. W. Watson; Col. A. H. Duganne; Jas. L. Anthony; Joseph Bell.


FELLOW-CITIZENS: I cannot better state the purpose for which we have come together than it has been stated in the call and in the observations made by the gentleman of the committee who has just addressed you. We are here, as he very truly said, not for the purpose of creating public opinion, but of giving it a free, a full and enthusiastic expression. We have come here to assure the Government of our support in resisting such audacious attempts as we have lately seen to interfere in the politics of Mexico. (Applause.) It is with deep sorrow, my friends, that I find myself unable to introduce to you this evening one whom we expected to make the principal address here, Hon. Henry Winter Davis, of Maryland. He was engaged to be present, but death interposed between him and the fulfilment of the engagement, and that eloquent voice, to which you would have listened with so much pleasure, that voice which always spoke from a full mind, and which uttered the dictates of a sincere, manly, generous, and fearless heart, is silent forever. To Winter Davis, more than to any other man in Maryland, that State owes it that she choose the better part, and remained among the States that were faithful to the Union. (Applause.) If he had lived, he would have added to the obligations to him under which his country now rests, by maintaining and vindicating with all his eloquence and all the enthusiasm of his noble nature the cause which has called us together to-night.

Mr. Bryant then announced that it was the intention of the committee, after the reading of the resolutions and letters, to adjourn the meeting to some other evening,

when the attendance of prominent men, now detained by business in Washington, could be secured.

Mr. Squier then read the following letters:



WASHINGTON, Dec. 12, 1865. To the Committee of the "Monroe Doctrine" Meeting, New York.

GENTLEMEN: I regret that my professional engagements prevent me from accepting your invitation to participate in your meeting. The recent concerted aggressions of European powers on the free States of this Continent, culminating in the outrage of Spain upon Chili, demand an outspoken expression of American feeling. The President in his recent Message has declared, in the calm and dispassionate tone becoming the gravity of the occasion and the dignity of his place, that these wrongs must cease.Our people should now meet and manifest their purpose to sustain him in upholding Republicanism in America. I rejoice that the people of New York intend to respond so promptly.

The late rebellion was the work of these European Powers. By their money and intrigue it was inaugurated. They fomented, encouraged, and recognized it, with a view to suppress the growth of republicanism in Europe, and to resume their sway over this continent. We should, in my opinion, have sooner crushed the rebellion if we had boldly from the first confronted the instigators of it, and afforded the lovers of freedom in Europe an opportunity to help us, by striking at our enemies there. Shall we take longer counsel of an unreasoning dread of these Powers, and continue to tolerate their aggressions, which have cost us so dearly; or shall we imitate the wiser boldness of our fathers, whose manly courage saved our country and our sister republics from such wrongs, even whilst we were comparatively a feeble Power? Are those European tyrants so strong in the affections of their own people or in material resources that we must bow before them, and speak with bated breath of the right of the American people to be exempt from European conquest ? Far from it. It is because we have sapped the foundations

of their thrones in the hearts of their people that they have conspired against us; and they have conspired only because they dared not offend their own people by striking us openly.

The people of France are still loyal to the traditions which allied them in feeling and in arms with our own people in the last century. They are as indignant almost as our own people at the blow thrust at us through Mexico by their Emperor. It is not the waste of their means or of their blood which makes the Mexican enterprise so odious to the people of France; it is the proof it affords that the third Napoleon is false to the policy and to the friends of that Napoleon whose name was his passport to the throne, and that he is doing the work of the allied despots who dethroned the great Napoleon, in seeking to destroy free government in America, which the founder of his dynasty aided in building up and strengthening as a bulwark of the freedom and power of France. No genuine Bonapartist can think the honor of France committed to the maintenance of a Hapsburg on an American throne. On the contrary, they feel dishonored by the attempt, and by the cruel and unjust war waged by the Emperor upon a distant and unoffending people to consummate it; and we shall but respond to the liberal and enlightened feeling of the French nation by remonstrating against it, and even by a resort to force, if that shall be necessary, to check the Emperor in his mad career in Mexico. The historian of the Empire assured them, from his place in the French Assembly, that we would do this when we had suppressed the Southern rebellion; and the liberals of France will rejoice, as we do, that the first Message of the President, after that event, makes it certain that they will not be disappointed.

I am, gentlemen, very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,



WASHINGTON, Dec. 27, 1865.

HON. E. G. SQUIER, Chairman, &c.

SIR I have received the communication of your com

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