emancipation, and we won it notwithstanding. Remember that you yourselves had, by the side of your standard on the field of battle, the colors of France and Spain, while we had only our own national ensign, and all others were enemies. (Applause.) Remember, also, that alone we have maintained that independence for forty years; and, while Spain during the present century, has appealed three times to a stranger to sustain her own institutions to Wellington, in 1808; to Angouleme, in 1823; to Sir De Lacy Evans and the English legion, in 1834-we have maintained the respect of our enemies, without submitting ourselves to the humiliation of seekers of foreign intervention.

And do you know why we have succeeded in all this ? Because we also, gentlemen, have a Monroe Doctrine of our own. But it is not such a Monroe Doctrine as you have been proud of for forty years; to be sustained beneath the illuminated vault of this brilliant hall; to be talked of by great orators, or by the voice of the daily Press-but a practical doctrine, real, to be supported by acts, by treaties, by alliances, and which, unlike you, we have always defended with our blood and our swords. (Applause.)

And Chili, gentlemen, my country, I am proud to say is the republic of the South which has put itself at the head of this grand and generous movement of brotherhood in glory and sacrifice. It was Chili who sent aboard of one of her men-of-war a diplomatic agent to the shores of Central America, to arrest the filibuster Walker. It was Chili who defeated the expedition of Cristina and Flores against Ecuador, in 1846; and who, years afterwards, tore down the altar and the mask of the French Protectorate in that unfortunate country. It was Chili .who sent her gold to Mexico, and her blood to Perú. It was Chili, I do not hesitate to say, with all the frankness of which I am capable, who put herself in opposition to the plans of an administration of this republic, which perhaps you have forgotten, but not forgiven yet, and which purposed to establish a spurious American protectorate over Ecuador, on condition of the cession of the Galápagos Islands for the sum of $3,000,000.

And Chili was perfectly right, because, in the opinion. of the people of South America, the Monroe Doctrine does

not mean conquest without right, invasion without justice; does not mean aught but respect for nationalities which God has created, or their institutions, without any consideration whatever for those who intend to attack them, or for those who intend to protect them.

Yes, gentlemen, the Monroe Doctrine, as we understand it, is a vital and absolute principle, not a passing interest of policy. It is not a question of geography, involved in that popular quotation, America for Americans. It is not a question of frontiers and territories, by which this or that State may extend itself at the expense of another. It is, on the contrary, the foundation of international right in America; and in that I differ entirely with the eloquent orator who has preceded me, because Republican and Democratic America has a theory of her own about existence and extension, just as the monarchies. of Europe have their doctrines of equilibrium and of dignities, and the foundation of that theory is the Monroe Doctrine.

This principle is not, then, simply our own, but that which its glorions founder, James Monroe, meant it to be; and that which his noble sustainer of to-day, Andrew Johnson, has clearly implied he means it to be; that is to say, that the monarchical Governments of Europe will not be permitted to interfere with republican institutions in the New World.

Gentlemen, that Power which created the strip of land which unites the two continents of America in one single world, one day inspired a great man of the North with this theory of general salvation. That day the key of the golden problem of democracy was discovered, the monarchs of Europe trembled upon their falling thrones, the freemen of the New world showed the slaves of the Old where the sacred ark ought to rest after the flood, and over the sky of a new cycle, and beyond the clouds, the hands of Washington and Bolivar clasped over the struggle of general emancipation, united the two worlds in one, to form a kingdom of eternal glory and eternal liberty.

Let that doctrine of redemption, gentlemen, be sustain ed, let it be propagated, let it be vindicated. Let your men of the government, or your men of war on the field of battle, carry out this work of redemption. Let the voice of Rome be heard once more from the dome of your high Capitol, and

thus, like the household word of Abraham Lincoln, which was-Justice and liberty for the oppressed, may the household word of Andrew Johnson be-Justice and liberty for the aggressed.

Señor Mackenna concluded his address amid a perfect storm of applause.

Mr. Squier then read the following resolution:

Resolved, That in Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, we recognise a statesman and patriot, a noble illustration of the fostering influence of republican institutions, a man of the people, deeply sympathizing with oppressed humanity at home and abroad, and who will, with firmness, prudence, and dignity, and in case of ultimate resort with all of his energies as a man and as President, dedicate himself to the vindication of those great national principles enunciated by our fathers as essential to our peace and safety, and among which the "Monroe Doctrine" is one of the most vital, and at this moment of first and practical importance.

SPEECH OF S. S. COX.

Mr. S. S. Cox was then introduced, and spoke long and tenderly of Mr. Winter Davis, with whom he served in the last Congress. The Monroe Doctrine has never yet been backed by the force of this great republic; sooner or later the force of this people will be evoked in the enunciation of the doctrine. We should not forget that the people of all these little republics are waiting anxiously for our movement. I trust the first thing to be done, after Mr. Seward is convinced he cannot write Maximilian out of Mexico, will be the convocation of another Congress of Republics at Panamá, including the Republic of Cuba, and that there the great nations of Europe may receive a lesson. Our unfortunate troubles came North and South, and Europe crept in, sneaked in by a triple alliance, and backed up this Archduke of the hated house of Hapsburg, tyrants of a hundred years. This thing will all be settled in time. I know that if we had taken decided steps in time, this trouble would have been settled ere this. Had we taken the advice of Ministers McLane and Corwin, the troubles would not have happened. Now, thank God, our own troubles are ended. Thirty millions of people reunited, as I trust and believe we are united,

.

can do a great deal. We can put an army of a million of men into the field, and know how to use them when there. (Applause.) But I rose simply to say a few words about my friend and co-laborer, Davis, who cannot, as he hoped, be with you here to-night; and heartily sharing with you the appreciation of his noble nature, I thank you for your kind and patient attention, and retire.

The meeting was then adjourned, subject to the call of he Chair

BANQUET

GIVEN TO THE

REPRESENTATIVES OF THE PRESS OF NEW YORK,

AND TO THE

Members of the Diplomatic Corps of South America

RESIDENT IN THIS CITY.

On Wednesday the sixth of December, there took place in the splendid "Salon Bleu" of "Delmonico's " restaurant, the sumptuous banquet with which the confidential agent of Chile in the United States, Don Benjamin Vicuña Mackenna, entertained the most notable journalists of New York and the members of the Diplomatic Corps of South America resident there.

The saloon in which the banquet took place was elegantly adorned with the flags of Chili, the United States and Perú.

The seat of honor at the table was occupied by Señor Vicuña Mackenna. At his right sat Señor Bruzual, the Minister of Venezuela in the United States, and at his left the Minister of the Argentine Republic, Don Domingo F. Sarmiento. At the opposite end sat George Squier, Esq., ex-Minister of the United States to Central America, and on either side of him the Señores Navarro, Consul General of Mexico, and Fleury, Secretary of the Brazilian Legation. There assisted besides at the Banquet, as representatives of the various States of the South American Republics, the greater part of those who are accredited to the United States, and who reside accidentally or permanently in New York.

Among them were noted as representatives of Mexico, the Señores Navarro, General Sanchez Ochoa, and Señor Baz,