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11-22-05

THE

LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.

§ 1. THE family from which I am derived is not | ther; and I made mighty proficiency in the im an ignoble one, but hath descended all along from the priests; and as nobility among several people is of a different origin, so, with us, to be of the sacerdotal dignity, is an indication of the splendor of a family. Now, I am not only sprung from a sacerdotal family in general, but from the first of the twenty-four courses; and as among us there is not only a considerable difference between one family of each course and another, I am of the chief family of that first course also; nay, farther, by my mother I am of the royal blood; for the children of Asamoneus, from whom that family was derived, had both the office of the high priesthood, and the dignity of a king, for a long time together. I will accordingly set down my progenitors in order. My grandfather's father was named Simon, with the addition of Psellus: he lived at the same time with that son of Simon the high priest, who, first of all the high priests, was named Hyrcanus. This Simon Psellus had nine sons, one of whom was Matthias, called Ephlias; he married the daughter of Jonathan the high priest, which Jonathan was the first of the sons of Asamoneus, who was high priest, and was the brother of Simon the high priest also. This Matthias had a son called Matthias Curtus, and that in the first year of the government of Hyrcanus; his son's name was Joseph, born in the ninth year of the reign of Alexandra; his son Matthias was born in the tenth year of the reign of Archelaus; as was I born to Matthias on the first year of the reign of Caius Cæsar. I have three sons: Hyrcanus, the eldest, was born on the fourth year of the reign of Vespasian; as was Justus born on the seventh, and Agrippa on the ninth. Thus have I set down the genealogy of my family, as I have found it described † in the public records, and so bid adieu to those who calumniate me, [as of a lower original.]

provements of my learning, and appeared to have both a great memory and understanding Moreover, when I was a child, and about fourteen years of age, I was commended by all for the love I had to learning; on which account the high priests and principal men of the city came then frequently to me together, in order to know my opinion about the accurate understanding of points of the law. And when I was about sixteen years old, I had a mind to make trial of the several sects that were among us. These sects are three; the first is that of the Pharisees, the second that of the Sadducees, and the third that of the Essens, as we have frequently told you; for I thought that by this means I might choose the best, if I were once acquainted with them all; so I contented myself with hard fare, and underwent great difficulties, and went through them all. Nor did I content myself with these trials only; but when I was informed that one whose name was Banus, lived in the desert, who used no other clothing than grew upon trees, and had no other food than what grew of its own accord, and bathed himself in cold water frequently, both by night and by day, in order to preserve his chastity, I imitatea him in those things, and continued with him for three years. So when I had accomplished my desires, I returned back to the city, being now nineteen years old, and began to conduct myself according to the rules of the sect of the Pharisees, which is of kin to the sect of the Stoics, as the Greeks call them.

2. Now my father Matthias was not only eminent on account of his nobility, but had a higher commendation on account of his righteousness, and was in great reputation in Jerusalem, the greatest city we have. I was myself brought up with my brother, whose name was Matthias, for he was my own brother, by both father and mo

3. But when I was in the twenty-sixth year of my age, it happened that I took a voyage to Rome, and this on the occasion which I shall now describe. At the time when Felix was procurator of Judea, there were certain priests of my acquaintance, and very excellent persons they were whom on a small and trifling occasion he had put into bonds, and sent to Rome to plead their cause before Cæsar. These I was desirous to procure deliverance for, and that especially because I was informed that they were not unmindful of piety towards God even under their afflictions, but supported themselves with figs and nuts. Accordingly I came to Rome

*W'a may hence correct the error of the Latin copy teen, or for three years, he made trial of the three of the second book against Apion, sect. 7, 8. (for the Jewish sects, the Pharisees, the Sadducees, and the EsGreek is there lost) which says there were then only sens, and ye says presently, in all our copies, that he four tribes or courses of the priests, instead of twenty-stayed besides with one particular ascetic, called Banus, four. Nor is this testimony to be disregarded, as if Jo-ap UT, with him, and this still before he was nineaephus there contradicted what he had affirmed here, because even the account there given, better agrees to twenty-four than to four courses, while he says that each of these courses contained above 5000 men, which multiplied by only four, will make not more than 20,000 priests; whereas the number 120,000, as multiplied by 24, seems much the most probable, they being about one tenth of the whole people, even after the captivity. See Ezra ii. 36-39. Neh. vii. 39-42. 1 Esd. v. 24, 25. with Ezra ii. 64. Neh. vii. 66. 1. Esd. v. 41. Nor will this common reading or notion of but four courses of priests, agree with Josephus's own farther assertion elsewhere. Antiq. b. vii, ch. xiv. sect. 7. that David's partition of the priests into twenty-four courses had continued to that day.

An eminent example of the care of the Jews about their genealogies, especially as to the priests. See Cont. Ap. b. i. ch. 7.

When Josephus hero says, that from sixteen to nine- |

teen, there is little room left for his trial of three other sects I suppose, therefore, that for map aur, with him, the old reading might be ap UTIs with them, which is a very small emendation, and takes away the difficul ty before us. Nor is Dr. Hudson's conjecture, hinted at by Mr. Hall in his preface to the doctor's edition of Josephus, at all improbable, that this Banus, by this his description, might well be a follower of John the Bap tist, and 'hat from him Josephus might easily imbibe such nots ns, as afterward prepared him to have a favorable opinion about Jesus Christ himself, who was attested to by John the Baptist.

We may note here, that religious men among the Jews, or at least those that were priests were sometimes ascetics also, and, like Daniel and his companions in Babylon, Dan. i. 8-16. ate no flesh, but figs and nute, &c. only This was like the Epoxys, or austere diets, of the Christian ascetics in Passion week. Com stit. v. 18.

9. There were three factions in this city. The first was composed of men of worth and gravity; 6. But, upon his coming and fighting, he was of these Julius Capellus was the head. Now he beaten, and a great many of those that were as well as all his companions, Herod the son of with him fell. And this disgrace [which Gessius Miarus, and Herod the son of Gamalus, and Comp. with Cestius] received, became the calamity of sus the son of Compsus, (for as to Compsus' broour whole nation; for those that were fond of the ther Crispus, who had once been governor of the war were so far elevated with this success, that city under the great king, [Agrippa,] he was bethey had hopes of finally conquering the Ro-yond Jordan in his own possessions;) all these mans. Of which war another occasion was ministered, which was this: Those that dwelt in the neighboring cities of Syria seized upon such Jews as dwelt among them, with their wives and children, and slew them, when they had not the least occasion of complaint against them: for they did neither attempt any innovation or revolt from the Romans, nor had they given any marks of hatred or treacherous design towards

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of the third faction, although he pretended to he | staid there four days, and fled away on the fifth. doubtful about going to war, yet was he really having disguised himself with fictitious hair, that desirous of innovation, as supposing that he should he might not be discovered; and when he was gain power to himself by the change of affairs. come to one of the villages to him belonging, He therefore came into the midst of them, and but one that was situated at the borders of the endeavored to inform the multitude, That "the citadel of Gamala, he sent to some of those that "city of Tiberias had ever been a city of Gali- were under him, and commanded them to come "lee, and that in the days of Herod the tetrarch, to him. But God himself hindered that his in"who had built it, it had obtained the principal tention, and this for his own advantage also; for place, and that he had ordered that the city had it not so happened, he had certainly perishSepphoris should be subordinate to the city ed. For a fever having seized upon him imme Tiberias; that they had not lost this pre-emi- diately, he wrote to Agrippa and Bernice, and nence even under Agrippa the father, but had gave them to one of his freed men to carry them ⚫ retained it, until Felix was procurator of Judea. to Varus, who at this time was procurator of the "But he told them, that now they had been so kingdom, which the king and his sister had in"unfortunate as to be made a present by Nero trusted him withal, while they were gone to Be"to Agrippa junior; and that upon Sepphoris' rytus with an intention of meeting Gessius."submission of itself to the Romans, that was When Varus had received these letters of Philip, "become the capital city of Galilee, and that the and had learned that he was preserved, he was "royal treasury and the archives were now re- very uneasy at it, as supposing that he should moved from them." When he had spoken appear useless to the king and his sister, now these things, and a great many more against Philip was come. He therefore produced the Agrippa, in order to provoke the people to a re- carrier of the letters before the multitude, and volt, he added, That this was the time for them accused him of forging the same; and said, that "to take arms, and join with the Galileans as he spake falsely, when he related that Philip was "their confederates, (whom they might com. at Jerusalem, fighting among the Jews against "mand, and who would now willingly assist the Romans. So he slew him. And when the them, out of the hatred they bare to the peo- freed man of Philip did not return again, Philip ple of Sepphoris, because they preserved their was doubtful what should be the occasion of his "idelity to the Romans,) and to gather a great stay, and sent a second messenger with letters, "number of forces in order to punish them."- that he might, upon his return, inform him what And, as he said this, he exhorted the multitude had befallen the other that had been sent before, [to go to war;] for his abilities lay in making and why he tarried so long. Varus accused this harangues to the people, and in being too hard in messenger also, when he came, of telling a falsehis speeches for such as opposed him, though hood, and slew him. For he was puffed up by they advised what was more to their advantage, the Syrians that were at Cesarea, and had great and thus by his craftiness and his fallacies, for expectations; for they said that Agrippa would he was not unskilful in the learning of the Greeks, be slain by the Romans for the crimes which the and in dependence on that skill it was, that he Jews had committed, and that he should himself undertook to write a history of these affairs, as take the government, as derived from their king: aiming by this way of haranguing to disguise for Varus was, by the confession of all, of the .he truth. But as to this man, and how ill were royal family, as being a descendant of Sohemus, is character and conduct in life, and how he who had enjoyed a tetrarchy about Libanus; for and his brother were, in a great measure, the au- which reason it was that he was puffed up, and hors of our destruction, I shall give the reader kept the letters to himself. He contrived, also, an account in the progress of my narration. So that the king should not meet with those wrivhen Justus had, by his persuasions, prevailed tings, by guarding all the passes, lest any one with the citizens of Tiberias to take arms, nay, should escape, and inform the king what had and had forced a great many so to do against been done. He moreover slew many of the their will, he went out, and set the villages that Jews, in order to gratify the Syrians of Cesarea. belonged to Gadara and Hippos on fire; which He had a mind also to join with the Trachonites villages were situated on the borders of Tiberias, in Batanea, and to take up arms and make an asand of the region of Scythopolis. sault upon the Babylonian Jews that were at Ecbatana; for that was the name they went by.He therefore called to him twelve of the Jews of Cesarea of the best character, and ordered them to go to Ecbatana, and inform their countrymen who dwelt there, that Varus hath heard, that "you intend to march against the king; but, "not believing that report, he hath sent us to persuade you to lay down your arms, and that this compliance will be a sign that he did well "not to give credit to those that raised the re"port concerning you." He also enjoined them to send seventy of their principal men to make a defence for them as to the accusation laid against them. So when the twelve messengers came to their countrymen at Ecbatana, and found that they had no designs of innovation at all, they persuaded them to send the seventy men also; who not at all suspecting what would come, sent them accordingly. So these seventy* went down to Cesarea, together with the twelve ambassadors, where Varus met them with the king's forces, and slew them all, together with the [twelve] ambassadors, and made an expedition against the Jews of Ecbatana. But there was one of the seventy who escaped, and made haste to inform the Jews of their coming; upon which they took

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10. And this was the state Tiberias was now in. But as for Gischala, its affairs were thus: When John, the son of Levi, saw some of his citizens much elevated upon their revolt from the Romans, he labored to restrain them, and entreated them that they would keep their allegiance to them. But he could not gain his purpose, although he did his endeavors to the utmost; for the neighboring people of Gadara," Gabara, and Sogana, with the Tyrians, got together a great army, and fell upon Gischala, and took Gischala by force, and set it on fire; and when they had entirely demolished it, they returned home. Upon which John was so enraged, that he armed all his men, and joined battle with the people forementioned, and rebuilt Gischala ufter a manner better than before and fortified it with walls for its future security.

11. But Gamaia persevered in its allegiance to the Romans, for the reason following: Philip the ion of Jacimus, who was their governor under king Agrippa, had been unexpectedly preserved when the royal palace at Jerusalem had been Jesieged; but as he fled away, had fallen into another danger, and that was, of being killed by Manahem, and the robbers that were with him; but certain Babylonians, who were of his kindred, and were then in Jerusalem, hindered the robbers from executing their design. So Philip

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The famous Jewish numbers of Twelve and Seven are here remarkable.