XXIX. CHAP. their guns; some of them remained at their posts even after they had lost a limb. For ten hours the battle 1776. raged without intermission. Then Sir Peter drew off his ships. Among the slain was Lord Campbell, ex-governor of the province, who fought as a volunteer on board the admiral's ship. June 28. Sir Henry Clinton made repeated attempts to reach Sullivan's Island, but was as often foiled by the batteries of Thompson. Several of the ships ran aground; one, the Acteon, was set on fire with her guns loaded and colors flying, and then abandoned. The Americans, determined to secure a trophy, boarded the burning vessel, fired her guns at the retreating enemy, took possession of her colors, loaded three boats with stores, and departed in safety, before she blew up. Among the many heroic incidents connected with this battle, one is related of Sergeant Jasper. The flag-staff was cut by a ball, and the flag fell outside the fort. Jasper immediately leaped down, and, amid the "iron hail," picked up the flag, tied it to a pole, deliberately placed it on the parapet, and then returned to his companions at the guns. Governor Rutledge appreciated the heroic deed; a few days after he presented his own sword to Jasper, and offered him a lieutenant's commission. He accepted the sword, but modestly declined promotion, on the ground that he could neither read nor write. On the very day that this battle took place at the South, a British fleet of forty vessels entered the harbor of New York. On board was General Howe, and with him the late garrison of Boston. Since the evacuation of that place he had been at Halifax awaiting the arrival of his brother, Admiral Howe. He landed his forces on Staten Island, where he was received with demonstrations of joy by the Tories. Clouds of deeper darkness were gathering around New York. The Admiral with more forces might be expected at any moment; the crisis so long dreaded was at hand. The American soldiers were ordered A CRISIS AT HAND. 363 XXIX. to be each day at their alarm posts, and to be in readiness CHAP. for instant action. Orders to the same effect were sent up the river. Rumors of disaffection in that quarter 1776. added the fear of treachery to the general alarm. Such was the state of things;-the northern army defeated and broken, the fleet of Sir Henry Clinton on its way from the South, Admiral Howe on his way from England, the harbor of New York filled with the enemy's ships,-when an event took place, most important in American history. The colonies declared themselves independent of all foreign authority, and took their place among the nations of the earth. XXX. CHAPTER XXX. WAR OF THE REVOLUTION-CONTINUED. The Question of Independence; Influences in favor of.-The Tories.-- CHAP. THE alienation between the colonies and the mother country began at the close of the French war. It was not the 1776. result of any one cause, but of many; the change of feeling was not instantaneous, but gradual. As the struggle took a more decided form, many, who were determined in their resistance to oppression, were unwilling to cast off their allegiance to the land to which their fathers still gave the endearing name of "home." There were, however, among the true Sons of Liberty a few who had seen the end from the beginning. Such men as Samuel Adams and Patrick Henry foresaw the haughty obstinacy of the British ministry, and foretold the result. "Independent we are and independent we will be," said Adams; and Henry exclaimed, in the Virginia Assembly: "We must fight! An appeal to arms and the God of Hosts is all that is left us!" What had long been felt by the few, now flashed upon THE QUESTION OF INDEPENDENCE. 365 XXX. the minds of the many, that they could never enjoy their CHAP rights but as a self-governing nation. Would the oppressions of the home government justify separation, which 1776 would involve all the horrors of a protracted and doubtful war? This question became the subject of discussion in the Provincial Assemblies, and among the people themselves. It was not arbitrary and unjust laws alone, nor the refusal of political rights, that had estranged the American people. Religious views had their influence in moulding public sentiment in favor of independence. Long-continued and persistent efforts to establish the Episcopal church in New England, had roused the latent hostility of the Congregationalists-they would not submit to English control in matters of religion. The Presbyterians of the middle and southern colonies, derived, as they were, from the dissenting Scottish church, had a traditionary feeling of opposition to the same influence. Both pastors and people were stanch Whigs, and went hand in hand with the ministers and people of New England. Even in Virginia, where the Episcopal church was established by law, and where the majority of the people were its advocates, the attempt to place over them a bishop was denounced by the House of Burgesses as a "pernicious project." Though strenuous churchmen, they were jealous of external influences, and repudiated the control of the mother church. On the contrary, the Episcopal clergy, great numbers of whom were Englishmen by birth, from their associations were inclined to favor the royal authority. Nor should we judge them harshly; they acted in accordance with their views of the intimate connection of church and state. These views influenced the members of that church more in the northern than in the southern colonies, and great numbers of them faithfully adhered to the "Lord's anointed," as they termed the king. The peace-loving Quakers, numerous in Pennsylvania, XXX. CHAP. New Jersey, and Delaware, opposed war as wrong in itself. The Moravians held similar views. These grieved over 1776. the violation of their rights, yet they hoped by pacific measures to obtain justice. There were others who, though not opposed to war, believed it to be wrong to rise in opposition to the rule of the mother country. There were also the timid, who deemed it madness to resist a power so colossal. There were the low and grovelling, who sought only an opportu nity to plunder; the time-serving and the avaricious, who, for the gain they might acquire as contractors for the British army, or by furnishing provisions for prisoners, joined the enemies of their country. The evacuation of Boston strengthened the already strong feeling in favor of independence so prevalent in New England. In the South, the recent risings of the Tories in North Carolina, the ravages of Dunmore in Virginia, and the attack upon Charleston, served still more to alienate the affections of the people; while their success in repelling the invasion gave them assurance. For many reasons they wished to be independent. Then they could form treaties with other nations, and the brand of rebel, so repugnant to an honorable mind, would be removed. In truth, Congress had already taken the ground of an independent government by offering free trade to other nations, in all merchandise except that of British manufacture, and slaves,-the latter traffic they had prohibited some months before. About the first of the year, a pamphlet was issued in Philadelphia, under the title of "Common Sense," which had a great influence upon the public mind. Its author, Thomas Paine, an Englishman, had been in the country but a few months. In a style adapted to convince the popular mind, he exposed the folly of delaying any longer a formal separation from the mother country. The pamphlet had a very great circulation, and a proportionate |