THE IMPRESSMENT-COMMISSIONERS OF PEACE.

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English or Irish sailors, who had thus entered the Ameri- CHAP. can service.

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In these impressments great numbers of native born 1806. Americans were forcibly seized and consigned to the slavery of a British man-of-war. These high-handed measures, executed in an arrogant manner by the English officers, produced throughout the land a feeling of bitter hostility to England. The English government gave as an apology for these impressments, that in her present struggle she needed all her seamen, and if permission were given, they nearly all would desert, and enter American ships. England herself was to blame for this want of patriotism in her seamen. The iron hand of unfeeling rule had driven these men from her service; her cruel press-gangs had crushed out their love of home. They had been seized when unprotected and hurried on board men-of-war, where brutal severities had obliterated their nobler feelings. Thus wantonly treated, the English seaman deserted whenever he had the opportunity.

Events were evidently tending toward a war, to avoid which the President sent William Pinckney, as joint commissioner with James Monroe, who was already minister April. at the court of St. James. The English commissioners manifested a great desire not to impress American seamen, but to redress, as speedily as possible, any mistake of that character. They urged, that to relinquish the right of search for deserters, would be ruinous to the English navy in time of war. Suggesting, also, that stringent laws should be made by both nations, to prevent scamen from passing from the service of the one to the other. The prejudices of the English people would not permit, at least for the present, any formal relinquishment of the right of impressment; the commissioners further promised, that strict orders should be issued to the naval commanders not to abuse the right.

With the understanding that the question of impress

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Jan.

CHAP. ments was still open, and subject to future adjustment, a treaty for ten years was negotiated between the two 107. countries. This treaty was more advantageous, upon the whole, to the United States, than the one negotiated by Jay, and was certainly better than the existing irritating relations of the two governments. France at this time, by virtue of the Berlin decree, continued to seize and confiscate American property, while Great Britain was anxious to be on as good terms with the United States as her situation would permit. Yet the President, and Mar. Madison, his Secretary of State, arbitrarily rejected the treaty, without either consulting the rest of the cabinet, or the Senate which was in session. The plea given for this extraordinary act was, that the treaty was not satisfactory on the impressment question. The rejection of the treaty left the relations of the two countries in a worse condition than ever, even endangering their peace. Washington and his cabinet, in ratifying the Jay treaty, secured to the country thirteen years of peace and unexpected prosperity; the rejection of this treaty was succeeded by four years of ruinous evils, which resulted in plunging the nation into a war. Though the English government itself was disposed to conciliate, and friendly in its expressions, yet its naval commanders were exceedingly insolent in their intercourse with the Americans. The inability of the navy to maintain the nation's honor, tempted these unscrupulous commanders to insult its flag. Thus far they had confined their visits to merchantmen, presently they went a step farther.

The United States frigate Chesapeake, of thirty-eight guns, had enlisted four men who, it was said, were deserters from the British ship-of-war Melampus. It was afterward proved that only one of them was an Englishman. Strict orders had been issued by the government to the recruiting officers not to enlist British subjects, knowing them to be such.

THE ATTACK ON THE FRIGATE CHESAPEAKE.

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Several English men-of-war were, at this time, lying CHAP. in Chesapeake Bay; of the number was the frigate Leopard, of fifty guns. When it was known that the 1807. Chesapeake was about to put to sea, the Leopard passed out a few hours before, and when some miles from the coast, she neared and hailed the Chesapeake, under the pretense of sending despatches to Europe. A lieutenant came on board with a demand for the English seamen. Commodore Barron refused the demand, on the ground there were no such men on board. This refusal brought a broadside from the Leopard, which killed three men and wounded eighteen others. As the attack was entirely unexpected, and Barron unprepared, he struck his colors, after firing a single gun. The four men were taken from the Chesapeake, and the Leopard passed on to Halifax, while the Chesapeake returned to Norfolk, her crew deeply mortified and thirsting for revenge.

The indignation of the whole people was intense. The insults of impressing men from merchantmen were as nothing, compared with firing into a national vessel. The President immediately issued a proclamation, in which he complained of the outrage, and ordered the British men-of-war out of the American waters, but as he had not the power to enforce the order it was disobeyed, and the people were enjoined not to have intercourse with the British vessels. He also called a special session of Congress, and a messenger was sent to England, with instructions to the American minister to demand satisfaction for the outrage. But a fast-sailing vessel had already left Halifax with the intelligence. The British government immediately disavowed the act, and sent, soon after, a special messenger to arrange the difficulty.

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In the mean while France and England vied with each other in issuing and enforcing decrees, which, in their effect, would ruin all neutral commerce. English orders in council required any vessel bound to a port in France Nov.

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CHAP. to touch at some English port, and there obtain a license to proceed on the voyage. Any vessel that did not com1807. ply with this despotic decree was forbidden to export French merchandise, unless the cargo was first brought to an English port and paid duties before it was shipped to Dec. a neutral country. A month later Bonaparte retaliated

by another decree, dated at Milan, by which every vessel that complied with the British decree, was declared to be forfeited. Thus American commerce was preyed upon by both parties.

As a scheme of retaliation, and to bring the belligerents to terms, Congress, on the recommendation of the Dec. President, laid an embargo, which prohibited American commerce with France and England. A measure lauded by its advocates as the only means to save to their country American seamen and cargoes, and at the same time compel France and England to repeal their offensive deNov. crees. The effect, however, was just the reverse. Bonaparte was delighted with the embargo, because it diminished just so much of England's income, her means to carry on the war against himself; on the other hand, Great Britain was not dependent on American produce, the trade to Spain and Portugal, and their colonies, had both been recently opened to her merchants, who were very willing that their enterprising rivals should remain at home to experiment on political theories. The embargo itself was exceedingly unpopular in the United States. The intelligent portion of the people was unable to see what benefit could be derived from their ships rotting in the ports, their seamen out of employment, the industry of the country prostrated, and the millions of surplus property now worthless for want of a market.

Some years before Jefferson had expressed the sentiment that the United States "should practise neither commerce nor navigation, but stand with respect to Eu

OPPOSITION TO THE EMBARGO.

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rope precisely on the footing of China." Had the people CHAP. submitted implicitly to the embargo, the system of nonintercourse with other nations would have been complete; 1807. as it was, on the recommendation of the Executive, Congress found it necessary to pass stringent laws to enforce its observance. The President was authorized to call out the militia and employ ships as revenue cutters to prevent cargoes of American produce leaving the country. When it became known that this enforcing act had really become a law, public feeling, in many places, could be no longer restrained. Many of the papers announced its passage in mourning columns, under the motto, "Liberty is dead." General Lincoln, of revolutionary memory, resigned the collectorship of the port of Boston rather than enforce the law; and great numbers of custom-house officers in other places did the same. In the agricultural portions of the country, the effect of the embargo was not so immediate as in the commercial. The planters and farmers, implicitly trusting in the wisdom of the Executive, stored up their cotton, tobacco and grain, hoping for a market when the belligerents would be pleased to repeal their hostile decrees.

Some good grew out of this evil. The tens of thousands thrown out of employment by the effect of the embargo and kindred measures, were compelled by the iron hand of necessity to seek a livelihood by other means, and their attention was somewhat directed to domestic manufactures.

Opposition to the embargo still continued; in Congress violent debates were held from day to day upon the exciting topic. At length even the planters and farmers began to waver in their faith, and to see as well as the New Englanders that it was a futile measure; that instead of bringing the French and English to terms it was the subject of their ridicule, while it was becoming more and more ruinous to the nation.