However, the friends of the Prince of Condé were not afleep. In spite of the Argufes, they found means to keep up a punctual correfpondence with him: they made various attempts to release him; they raised troops, in particular the Dukes of Bouillon and Rochefoucault, and the Viscount de Turenne. The Princefs of Condé engaged the province of Guienne to declare in his favour; The made war in order to force the court to release him: at length the partizans of the Prince figned a treaty with the Spaniards to labour in concert for his enlargement. But all thefe efforts would perhaps have been ineffectual, if other more powerful refources had not been employed.

In that gallant and warlike age, every thing was managed by the paffions and intrigues of five or fix women, who poffeffed the confidence of the leaders of the ftate, and of the various parties. The Princess of Mantua, wife to one of the fons of the Elector Palatine, K. of Bohemia, was the foul of the councils in the party of the princes. She united all the talents which the art of negociation requires, and all the probity neceffary to deferve an entire confidence. She undertook and the accomplished the reconciliation of the D. of Orleans, the Coadjutor, and the malecontents, with the friends of the Prince, and united their efforts against the Cardinal.

The parliament, on the other fide, loudly demanded the releafe of the prisoners. All the orders of the ftate united in foliciting it, infomuch that the Queen was prevailed on to give her confent.

At this news, Mazarin, amazed, confounded, betrayed by the du

chefs of Chevreuse, attacked on all fides, abandoned by almoit all those on whom he had moft depended, abandoned alfo himself; he made his efcape for the fourth time difguifed like a trooper, and arrived at the gate of Richlieu, where a body of horse waited for him.

The parliament, informed by the queen of the cardinal's flight, thundered forth an arret, by which he was enjoined to leave the kingdom, with his family and foreign fervants, in the fpace of fifteen days, under the penalty of being expofed to a criminal profecution. The queen defired to follow him with the king; but the nobles and the burghers invefted the Palais-Royal, and prevented the execution of this project, which would have kindled a civil war.

Mazarin perceiving, therefore, that it was impoffible for the queen to join him, determined to go himfelf to reftore the princes their liberty, and to get the start of the deputies, who were coming to acquaint them with it. On his arrival at Havre, he informed the princes that they were free: he intreated Condé's friendship; he was fo abject as to proftrate himself at the feet of him whom he had fo bafely oppreffed. Condé gave him a polite reception; he spoke to him in a free and chearful tone; but, tired with the mean fubmiffions which the cardinal lavifhed upon him, he left him without making him any promife, and fet out on his return to Paris, which he entered, as it were in triumph, amidst the acclamations of all the orders of the monarchy, and the demonftrations of a moft fincere and general joy.

Character

Character of Cardinal Richlieu; prime minister to Lewis XIII. King of France, from De Bury's life of that prince.

R

ICHLIEU has shared the fate of all those who are raised above others by their merit and their great actions. Envy, influenced by ambition and intereft, was continually at work in forming cabals and plots against his power, and even against his life. The impotent malice of his enemies ftooped fo low, as to fill the kingdom with fatires and libels upon his character and conduct, while foreigners beheld him with admiration. Beautru (the French ambaffador at the court of Spain), complaining one day to the count-duke Olivarez, of the defamatory libels that were printed in Flanders against the king and his council, the count-duke replied: "I will do all in my power "to prevent it, being equally con"cerned myself in my character as "minister of ftate. But with re

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lords of the kingdom, whom he in a manner annihilated, would have been undoubtedly preferved: Henry would have known how to have kept them within those bounds of duty, to which by his gentleness, wifdom, and refolution, he had reduced them. The great will more willingly obey a prince who can maintain his authority, than a minifter to whom he intrufts it, whom they ufually confider as their equal, and often as their inferior. hence arofe all thofe plots and factions, which forced him to use severe methods, when mild and gentle means were infufficient. He gave a pretty just idea of his own character, when, fpeaking one day to the marquis of Vieuville, he said, "I never venture to undertake any thing till I have confidered it thoroughly; but when I have once formed my refolution, I never lose fight of my object; I overturn, I mow down all before me, and then I throw my red caflock over it, and cover all."

He would willingly have kept in favour with the queen mother, and even with Monfieur (the duke of Orleans, the king's brother) without being wanting in what he thought was due to the fervice of the king and the good of the ftate. He used to fay fometimes, "That he had three mafters, the king, Mary of Medicis, and the duke of Orleans that his honour and his duty obliged him to ferve them all three, but in order, and each in their rank; and that he would never be reproached with having given to the third what was due only to the firft." But he could not fucceed in pleafing these three perfons, who feldom had the fame views or the fame interefts: and the king

whom

whom he ferved with so much zeal and fuccefs, gave him more trouble than the other two.

He was indefatigable in his application to bufinefs, though he had a very delicate conftitution, and was fubject almolt to continual attacks of illness. He generally went to bed at eleven, and when he had lept three or four hours, he had a light, and pen, ink, and paper brought him, to write himself, or to dictate to a fecretary, who lodged in his chamber. He then went to fleep again at five or fix, and rose between feven and eight.

His word might be depended upon; and if he had once promised a perfon a favour, he was fure of obtaining it. He was earnest in serving his friends, and all those who were attached to him. The officers of his houfhold looked upon him as the best of masters: they received from him nothing but marks of kindnefs, and they thought themfelves happy in his fervice. If at any time an angry or impatient expreflion efcaped him, which happened very feldom, he made them abundant amends by the favours he bestowed upon them.

The expences of his houfhold amounted to four millions (of livres) every year, including the main tenance of his guards. He had a hundred horfe-guards, commanded by a captain, a lieutenant, two quarter-mafters, and four brigadiers. This was the firft guard the king granted him at the time of the plot formed against him by De Chalois. From 1632, the king added to thefe a company of two hundred musketeers, and after that a fecond of an hundred and twenty gendarmes, and a third of fix fcore light horfe. The number of his domef VOL. XI.

tics was prodigious. He had never less than twenty-four or twenty-five pages; fometimes they amounted to thirty-fix; whom he educated with great care, and at a great expence. He had every day four different tables, and all ferved magnificently. The first confifted of fourteen covers, to which usually none but the first nobility, his relations or particular friends, were admitted. There was a fecond in

another hall, where his master of the houshold fat, confifting of thirty covers a third for his pages and the principal officers of his houfhold; and a fourth for the fervants in livery, who were very nume

rous.

When he travelled, the vaft number of carriages of all kinds in his train, refembled the march of a fovereign prince rather than that of a rich fubject. His band of mufic, with which he was always attended, was compofed of twelve muficians, chofen out of the greatest artists in France and his houfhold was better paid, and made a more fplendid appearance, than the king's. His. mafter was difpleafed at the ftate and magnificence his minifter affected, and did not conceal his fentiments from the Cardinal himself, especially when he was out of humour at any bad news; and when he durft not take notice of it to him, he complained of it to thofe with whom he was intimate.

The Cardinal had for fome time

before his death been lofing ground in the king's favour, and probably would have been entirely difcarded, if he had lived much longer. When the king paid him a visit in his laft illness, as he was fitting by his bedfide, Richlieu, after thanking him. for the honour he had done him,

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addreffed him in the following manner: Sire, this is the laft adieu. In taking leave of your majefty, I have the fatisfaction to leave your kingdom in the highest degree of glory and reputation it has ever attained, and your enemies fubdued and humbled. The only reward of my labours and fervices I prefume to afk of your majefty is, that you would continue to honour my nephews and other relations with your protection and favour. I give them my bleffing, only upon condition that they never fwerve from that obedience and fidelity which they owe you, and which they have folemnly engaged always to maintain." The king gave him his promife, and they had a private converfation together, in which the Cardinal recommended to him the minifters who were already in place, affuring him that they were tho roughly acquainted with the state of affairs, and frongly attached to his fervice. He added, that he knew of no perfon more capable of filling up his own place, than Cardinal Mazarin, whofe zeal and fidelity he had experienced on many occafions. The king replied, that he fhould always follow the advice he had given him, having long been convinced of the wifdom of his counfels; and that he would employ Mazarin and the other minifters, who fhould be continued in their pofts.

When the king was retired, the, Cardinal afked the phyficians how long they thought he could live: "Do not be afraid, fays he, of telling me your real fentiments; you are fpeaking to one who is perfectly refigned to the will of God, either for life or death." They told him, they faw at prefent no immediate danger, and that they must wait till

the feventh day before they could abfolutely pronounce upon the cafe. "That is well," replied the Car dinal: but towards evening his fever returned with fo much riolence, that they were obliged to bleed him twice. "M. Chicot, faid he, addreffing himself to one of the king's phyficians, fpeak to me, I befeech you, not as a phyfician, but as a friend, without difguife."

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My Lord," replied Chicot, after having made fome difficulty in giving his opinion, I believe that in twenty-four hours you will be either dead or well." "That is fpeaking as you ought, replied the Cardinal; I understand you." After confeffion, he asked for the viaticum, which was brought him an hour after midnight. "Behold, my Lord and my God, cries the Cardinal, which I am just going to receive: I proteft before him, and call him to witnefs, that in the whole of my conduct during my miniftry I have had nothing in view but the welfare of religion and of the ftate." Some hours after, he received extreme unction. " My lord, faid the curate who attended him, do you forgive your enemies?" It is faid he made him this answer: "I never had any but thofe of the state." Others affirm, that he only faid, "Yes, with all my heart, and as I wish to be forgiven myfelf." For a day or two after he feemed a little revived by a medicine which was given him by a quack, who undertook to cure him, when his phyficians had given him up. While the effects of this lafted, he converfed with the fecretaries of ftate upon bufinefs, and was well enough to receive the compliments that were fent-him from the Duke of Orleans and the Queen; and gave his anfwers to them with a great deal of

ftrength

ftrength and prefence of mind. But he foon after became fo weak, that he perceived he was near his end. "Niece, faid he to the Duchefs of Equillon, I am very ill!—leave me, I beseech you; your tears affect me: fpare yourself the pain of feeing me die." Father Leon coming up to the Cardinal, told him he was at the end of his life, of which he was going to give an account to God; at the fame time he prefented the crucifix to him to kifs, and pronounced the laft abfolution to him. The commendatory prayers were fcarce begun, when he expired in the fiftyeighth year of his age, and the eighteenth of his miniftry.-Soon after the king being informed that his minifter was departed, said, very coldly, to fome of his courtiers, "There is a great politician gone." The Cardinal's most intimate friend and confident was Father Jofeph, a capuchin, who was reckoned the most able negociator in Europe. He entered into all the Cardinal's views; and being less embarraffed with the numberless in trigues of the court and cabinet, and not obliged like his friend to take any state upon him, he could think over at leiture in his cell the schemes they had formed together: fo that our author thinks it exceeding probable that Richlieu would have been very much at a lofs to have con

ducted fo many great and fuccefsful negociations, without his affiftance. Upon fome occafion the popular clamour being raised against the Cardinal, he kept himfelf fhut up in his palace, and was afraid of being feen in the ftreets. But by Father Jofpeph's advice he was perfuaded to go through the city with out his guards, and fhew himself to the people; who instead of offering

him any infult, being pleafed with this inftance of his confidence, and with the affability and condefcenfion he expreffed to all he met, loaded him with their bleffings. Upon his return, his friend faid, "Did not I tell you, that you was only faint-hearted; and that with a little courage and firmness you would foon raife the fpirits of the citizens, and reftore your affairs.”

Character of Mrs. Pritchard, the celebrated actress, wrote upon her quitting the flage, fome fmall time before her death.

THOUGH it is a common

faying, and generally faid in Latin, that we fhould not fpeak ill of the dead; yet, as it feems a maxim not founded upon reafon, it will not be regarded in the following difquifition. How should we know what portion of esteem we ought to pay real or theatrical heroes and heroines, and how far we should fet them up for imitation, if we did not fairly and critically (in the best fenfe of the word) examine into their good and bad qualities? I would therefore change the maxim, and fay,

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D 2

the