to Melos, where he got much more money than he had before, out of the belief they had that he was of the royal family, and their hopes that he would recover his father's principality, and reward his benefactors; so he made haste to Rome, and was conducted thither by those strangers who entertained him. He was also so fortunate as, upon, his landing at Dicearchia, to bring the Jews that were there into the same delusion; and not only other people, but also all those that had been great with Herod, or had a kindness for him, joined themselves to this man as to their king. The cause of it was this, that men were glad of his pretences, which were seconded by the likeness of his countenance, which made those that had been acquainted with Alexander strongly to believe that he was no other but the very same person, which they also confirmed to others by oath; insomuch that when the report went about him that he was coming to Rome, the whole mul. titude of the Jews that were there went out to meet him, ascribing it to Divine Providence that he had so unexpectedly escaped, and being very joyful on account of his mother's family. And when he was come, he was carried in a royal litter through the streets, and all the ornaments about him were such as kings are adorned withal; and this was at the expenses of those that entertained him. The multitude also flocked about him greatly, and made mighty acclamations to him, and nothing was omitted which could be thought suitable to such as had been so unexpectedly preserved.

2. When this thing was told Cæsar, he did not believe it, because Herod was not easily to be imposed upon in such affairs as were of great concern to him; yet having some suspicion it might be so, he sent one Celadus, a freedman of his, and one that had conversed with the young men themselves, and bade him bring Alexander into his presence: so he brought him, being no more accurate in judg ing about him than the rest of the multitude. Yet did not he deceive Cæsar; for although there were a resemblance between him and Alexander, yet it was not so exact as to impose on such as were prudent in discerning; for this spurious Alexander had his hands rough, by the labours he had been put to, and instead of that softness of body which the other had, and this as derived from his delicate and generous education, this man, for the contrary reason, had a rugged body. When, therefore, Cæsar saw how the master and the scholar agreed in this lying story, and in a bold way of talking, he inquired about Aristobulus, and asked what became of him, who [it seems] was stolen away together with him, and for what reason it was that he did not come along with him, and endeavour to recover that dominion which was due to his high birth also? And when he said, that "he had been left in the isle of Crete, for fear of the dangers of sea, that in case any accident should come to himself, the posterity of Mariamne might not utterly perish, but that Aristobulus might survive, and punish those that laid such treach erous designs against them." And when he persevered in his affirmations, and the author of the imposture agreed in supporting it, Cæsar took the young man by himself, and said to him, "If thou wilt not impose upon me, thou shalt have this for thy reward, that thou shalt escape with thy life; tell me then who thou art? and who it was that had boldness enough to contrive such a cheat as this? For this contrivance is too considerable a piece of villany to be undertaken by one of thy age." Accordingly, because he had no other way to take, he told Cæsar the contrivance, and after what manner, and by whom it was laid together. So Cæsar, upon observing the spurious Alexander to be a strong active man, and fit to work with his hands, that he might not break his promise to him, put him among those that were to row among the mariners; but slew him that induced him to do what he had done; for as for the people of Melos, he thought them sufficiently punished, in having thrown away so much of their money upon this spurious Alexander. And such was the ignominious conclusion of this bold con trivance about the spurious Alexander.

CHAP. XIII.

How Archelaus, upon a second Accusation, was banished to Vienna.

§ 1. WHEN Archelaus was entered on his ethnarchy, and was come into Judea, he accused Joazar, the son of Boethus, of assisting the seditious, and took away the high priesthood from him, and put Eleazar his brother in his place. He also magnificently rebuilt the royal palace that had been at Jericho, and he diverted half the water with which the village of Neara used to be watered, and drew off that water into the plain to water those palm trees which he had there planted: he also built a village, and put his own name upon it, and called it Archelais. Moreover he transgressed the law of our fathers, and married Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, who had been the wife of his brother Alexander, which Alexander had children by her; while it was a thing detestable among the Jews to marry the brother's wife :* nor did this Eleazar abide long in the high priesthood, Jesus, the son of Sie, being put in his room while he was still living.

2. But in the tenth year of Archelaus's government, both his brethren, and the principal men of Judea and Samaria, not being able to bear his barbarous and tyrannical usage of them, accused him before Cæsar, and that especially because they knew he had broken the commands of Cæsar; which obliged him to benave himself with moderation among them. Whereupon Cæsar, when he heard it, was very angry, and called for Archelaus's steward, who took care of his affairs at Rome, and whose name was Archelaus also; and thinking it beneath him to write to Archelaus, he bid him sail away as soon as possible, and bring him to us; so the man made haste in his voyage, and when he came into Judea, he found Ar. chelaus feasting with his friends; so he told him what Cæsar had sent him about, and hastened him away. And when he was come [to Rome,] Cæsar, upon hearing what certain accusers of his had to say, and what reply he could make, both ba. nished him, and appointed Vienna, a city of Gaul, to be the place of his habitation, and took his money away from him.

3. Now before Archelaus was gone up to Rome upon this message, he.related this dream to his friends, that "he saw ears of corn, in number ten, full of wheat perfectly ripe; which ears, as it seemed to him, were devoured by oxen." And when he was awake, and gotten up, because the vision appeared to be of great importance to him, he sent for the diviners, whose study was employed about dreams. And while some were of one opinion, and some of another (for all their interpretations did not agree,) Simon, a man of the sect of the Essens, desired leave to speak his mind freely, and said, that "the vision denoted a change in the affairs of Archelaus, and that not for the better; that oxen, because that animal takes uneasy pains in his labours, denoted afflictions, and indeed denoted farther a change of affairs; because that land which is ploughed by oxen cannot remain in its former state: and that the ears of corn being ten, determined the like number of years, because an ear of corn grows in one year; and that the time of Arche laus's government was over." And thus did this man expound the dream. Now on the fifth day after this dream came first to Archelaus, the other Archelaus, that was sent to Judea by Cæsar to call him away, came thither also.

4. The like accident befell Glaphyra his wife, who was the daughter of king Archelaus, who, as I said before, was married while she was a virgin to Alexander the son of Herod, and brother of Archelaus; but since it fell out so that Alexander was slain by his father, she was married to Juba, the king of Lydia; and when he was dead, and she lived in widowhood in Cappadocia with her father, Arche laus divorced his former wife Mariamne, and married her, so great was his affec.

Spanheim seasonably observes here, that it was forbidden the Jews to marry their brother's wife. when she had children by her first husband, and that Zenoras [cites or] interprets the clause before us accordingly.

tion for this Glaphyra; who during her marriage to him saw the following dream. She thought "she saw Alexander standing by her, at which she rejoiced, and em. braced him with great affection; but that he complained of her, and said, O Glaphyra! thou provest that saying to be true which assures us, that women are not to be trusted. Didst not thou pledge thy faith to me? And wast not thou married to me when thou wast a virgin? And had we not children between us? Yet hast thou forgotten the affection I bare to thee out of a desire of a second husband. Nor hast thou been satisfied with that injury thou didst me, but thou hast been so bold as to procure thee a third husband to lie by thee; and in an indecent and imprudent manner hast entered into my house, and hast been married to Arche. laus, thy husband, and my brother. However, I will not forget thy former kind affection for me, but will set thee free from every such reproachful action, and cause thee to be mine again, as thou once wast." When she had related this to her female companions, in a few days time she departed this life.

5. Now I did not think these histories improper for the present discourse, both because my discourse now is concerning kings, and otherwise also an account of the advantage hence to be drawn, as well for the confirmation of the immorta. iity of the soul, as of the providence of God over human affairs, I thought them fit to be set down; but if any one does not believe such relations, let him indeed enjoy his own opinion, but let him not hinder another that would thereby encou rage himself in virtue. So Archelaus's country was laid to the province of Syria, and Cyrenius, one that had been consul. was sent by Cæsar to take an accoun of the people's effects in Syria, and to sell the house of Archelaus.

BOOK XVIII.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF THIRTY-TWO YEARS.

FROM THE BANISHMENT OF ARCHELAUS TO THE DEPARTURE
OF THE JEWS FROM BABYLON.

CHAP. I.

How Cyrenius was sent by Cæsar to make a Taxation of Syria and Judea; and how Coponius was sent to be Procurator of Judea; concerning Judas of Galilee, and concerning the Sects that were among the Jews.

§ 1. Now Cyrenius, a Roman senator, and one who had gone through other magistracies, and had passed through them till he had been consul, and one who, on other accounts, was of great dignity, came at this time into Syria, with a few others, being sent by Cæsar to be a judge of that nation, and to take an account of their substance: Coponius also, a man of the equestrian order, was sent to gether with him, to have the supreme power over the Jews. Moreover, Cyre. nius came himself into Judea, which was now added to the province of Syria, to take an account of their substance, and to dispose of Archelaus's money: but the Jews, although at the beginning they took the report of a taxation heinously, yet did they leave off any farther opposition to it, by the persuasion of Joazar, who was the son of Boethus, and high priest; so they, being overpersuaded by Jo. azar's words, gave an account of their estates, without any dispute about it. Yet was there one Judas,* a Gaulonite, of a city whose name was Gamala, who taking with him Saddouk,† a Pharisee, became zealous to draw them to a revolt, who both said that this taxation was no better than an introduction to slavery, and exhorted the nation to assert their liberty; as if they could procure them happiness and security for what they possessed, and an ensured enjoyment of a still greater good, which was that of the honour and glory they would thereby acquire for magnanimity. They also said, that God would not otherwise be assisting to them, than upon their joining with one another in such counsels as might be successful, and for their own advantage; and this especially, if they would set about great exploits, and not grow weary in executing the same; so men received what they said with pleasure, and this bold attempt proceeded to a

Since St. Luke once, Acts, v. 37, and Josephus four several times, once here, sect. 6; and B. xx. ch. v. sect. 2; Of the War, B. ii. chap. viii. sect. 1; and ch. xvii. sect. 8; calls this Judas, who was the pestilent author of that seditious doctrine and temper which brought the Jewish nation to utter destruction, a Galilean; but here, sect. 1, Josephus calls him a Gaulonite, of the city Gamala; it is a great question where this Judas was born, whether in Galilee, on the west side, or in Gaulonitis, on the east side of the river Jordan: while in the place just now cited out of the Antiquities, B. xx. ch. v. sect. 2, he is not only called a Galilean, but it is added to his story, as I have signified in the books that go before these, as if he had still called him a Galilean in those Antiquities before, as well as in that particula place, as Dean Aldrich observes, On the War, B. ii. ch. vii. sect. 1. Nor can one well imagine why he hould here call him a Gaulonite, when in the 6th section following here, as well as twice of the War, he still calls him a Galilean. As for the city of Gamala, whence this Judas was derived, it determines nothing, since there were two of that name, the one in Gaulonitis, the other in Galilee. See Reland on he tity or town of that name.

It seems not very improbable to me, that this Sadduc, the Pharisee, was the very same man of whom the Rabbins speak, as the unhappy but undesigning occasion of the impiety or infidelity of the Sascucees: nor perhaps had the men this name of Sadducees till this very time, though they were a distinct sect long before. See the note on B. xiii. ch. x. sect. 5; and Dean Prideaux, as there quoted: nor do we that I know of, find the least footsteps of such impiety or infidelity of these Sadd icees before this time the Recognitions assuring us that they began about the days of John the Baptist, B. i. ch liv vol. 1

great height. All sorts of misfortunes also sprang from these men, and the nation was infected with this doctrine to an incredible degree; one violent war came upon us after another, and we lost our friends which used to alleviate our pains; there were also very great robberies and murders of our principal men. This was done in pretence indeed for the public welfare, but in reality from the hopes of gain to themselves; whence arose seditions, and from them murders of men, which sometimes fell on those of their own people (by the madness of these men towards one another, while their desire was that none of the adverse party might be left,) and sometimes on their enemics; a famine also coming upon us reduced us to the last degree of despair, as did also the taking and demolishing of cities: nay, the sedition at last increased so high, that the very temple of God was burnt down by their enemies' fire. Such were the consequences of this, that the cus toms of our fathers were altered, and such a change was made, as added a mighty weight toward bringing all to destruction, which these men occasioned by their thus conspiring together; for Judas and Sadducus,* who excited a fourth philo. sophic sect among us, and had a great many followers therein, filled our civil government with tumults at present, and laid the foundations of our future miseries by this system of philosophy, which we were before unacquainted withal; con cerning which I will discourse a little, and this the rather, because the infection which spread thence among the younger sort, who were zealous for it, brough! the people to destruction.

2. The Jews had, for a great while, three sects of philosophy peculiar to them. selves, the sect of the Essens, and the sect of the Sadducees, and the third sort of opinions was that of those called Pharisees; of which sects, although I have already spoken in the second book of the Jewish war, yet will I a little touch upon them now.

3. Now for the Pharisees, they live meanly, and despise delicacies in diet; and they follow the conduct of reason; and what that prescribes to them as good for them, they do; and they think they ought earnestly to strive to observe reason's dictates for practice. They also pay a respect to such as are in years; nor are they so bold as to contradict them in any thing which they have introduced; and, when they determine that all things are done by fate, they do not take away the freedom from men of acting as they think fit; since their notion is, that it hath pleased God to make a temperament, whereby what he wills is done, but so that the will of man can act virtuously or viciously. They also believe that souls have an immortal vigour in them, and that under the earth there will be rewards or pun ishments, according as they have lived virtuously or viciously in this life; and the latter are to be detained in an everlasting prison, but that the former shall have power to revive and live again on account of which doctrines they are able greatly to persuade the body of the people; and whatsoever they do about divine worship, prayers, and sacrifices, they perform them according to their direction; insomuch that the cities gave great attestations to them on account of their entire virtuous conduct, both in the actions of their lives, and their discourses also.

4. But the doctrine of the Sadducees is this, that souls die with the bodies; nor do they regard the observation of any thing besides what the law enjoins them; for they think it an instance of virtue to dispute with those teachers of philosophy whom they frequent; but this doctrine is received but by a few, yet by those stili of the greatest dignity. But they are able almost to do nothing of themselves, for when they become magistrates, as they are unwillingly and by force sometimes obliged to be, they addict themselves to the notions of the Pharisees, because the multitude would not otherwise bear them.

5. The doctrine of the Essens is this, that all things are best ascribed to God. They teach the immortality of souls, and esteem that the rewards of righteousness are to be earnestly striven for; and when they send what they have dedicated to

* See the preceding Note