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fend in parties of robbers, 'to lie in wait, and sometimes to fight battles, and withal to bring spoil and prey to the procurators (Cumanus and Felix.). Whereupon these procurators began to rejoice ; yet when the mischief grew considerable, soldiers were sent to quiet' them, but the soldiers were killed ; and the province had been in the flame of war, had not Quadratus, the president of Syria, afforded his assistance. Nor was it long in dispute whether the Jews, who had killed the foldiers in the mutiny, should be put to death : It was agreed they mould die; only Cumanus and Felix occasioned a delay, for Claudius, upon hearing the causes as to this rebellion, had given (Quadratus] authority to determine the case, even as to the procurators themselves : But Quadratus shewed Felix among the judges, and took him into his seat of judgment, on pụrpose that he might discourage his acculers. So Cumanus was condemned for those Hagitious actions, of which both he and Felix had been guilty, and peace was restored to the province.*


TOWEVER the Jews had patience till Gessius Florus was made

procurator. Under him it was that the war began Then Certius Gallus, the president of Syria, attempted to appease it, and tried several battles, but generally with ill fuccess.

Upon his death + whether it came by fate, or that he was weary of his life, is uncertain, Vefpafian had the fortune, by his reputation, and excellent officers, and a victorious army, in the space of two summers, to make himself master of all the open country, and of all the cities, Jerusalem excepted.

[Flavius Vefpafianus, whom Nero had chosen for his general, managed the Jewis war with three legions. Histor. B. I. chap. 10.)

The next year, which was employed in a civil war (at home) so far as the Jews were concerned, palled over in peace. When Italy was pacified, the care of foreign parts was revived. The Jews were the only people that stood out, which increased the rage (of the Romans. ] It was also thought most proper that Titus Thould stay with the army, to prevent any accident or misfortune which the new government might be liable to.

Vespasian had put an end to the Jewish nation : The siege of Jerusa, lem was the only enterprise remaining, which was a work hard and difficult, but rather from the nature of the mountain, and the obstinacy of the Jewish superstition, than because the besieged had strength enough to undergo the distrelles [of a siege.) We have already informed (the reader] that Vefpafian had with him three legions, well exercised in war. Hiftor. Book II. chap. 5.) When Vespasian was a very young man, it was

as promised him that he should arrive at the highest pitch of fame : But what did first of all seem to confirm the omen, was his triumphs, and consulship, and the glories of his victories over the Jews. When he had once obrained

Here seems to be a great mistake about the Jewish affairs in Tacitus. See of the War, B. II. chap. xii. sect. 8.

+ Jolephus says nothing of the deatb of Cestius; fo Tacitus seems to have Inown nothing in particular about it.

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these, he believed it was portended that he should come to the end pire.*

There is between Judea and Syria a mountain and a god both call ed by the same name of Carmel, though our predecessors have informed us that this god had no image, and no temple, and indeed no more than an altar and folemn worship. Vespasian was once offering a facrifice there, at a time when he had some secret thought in his mind :The priest, whose name was Bafilides, when he over and over looked at the entrails, faid, Vespasian, whatever thou art about, whether the building of thy house, or enlargement of thy lands, or augmentation of thy llaves, thou art granted a mighty seat, very large bounds. an huge number of men. These doubtful answers were soon spread. about by fame, and at this time were explained : Nor'was any thing so much in public vogue, and very many discourses of that nature were made before him, and the more because they foretold what he expected

Mucianus and Vespasianus went away, having fully agreed on their designs; the former to Antioch, the latter to Cæfarea. Antioch is the capital of Syria, and Cæsarea the capital of Judea. The commencement of Vespasian's advancement to the empire was at Alexandria, where Tiberius Alexander made fuch hafte, that he obliged the legions to tuke the oath of fidelity to him on the kalends of July, which was ever after celebrated as the day of his inauguration t although the army in Judea had taken that oath on the fifth of the nones of July, with that eagerness, that they would not stay for his son Titus, who was then on the road, returning out of Syria, chap. 79. Vespasian delivered over the strongeft part of his forces to Titus, to enable hiin to finish' what remained of the Jewish war. Hift. Book IV. chap 51.

During thofe months in which Vespasian continued at Alexandria, waiting for the usual set time of the summer gales of wind, and stayed for settled fair weather at sea, many miraculous events happened, by which the good will of heaven, and a kind of inclination of the Deity in his favor was declared.

A certain man of the vulgar fort at Alexandria, well known for the decay of his eyes, kneeled down by him, and groaned, and begged of him the cure of his blindness, as by the admonition of Serapis, that god which this superstitious nation worships above others. He also desired that the emperor would be pleased to put some of his spittle upon the balls-of his eyes. Another infirm man there, who was lame of his hand, prayed Cæfar as by the fame god's suggestion, to tread upon him with his foot. Vefpafian at first began to laugh at them, and to reject them, and when they were instant with him, he sometimes feared he should have the reputation of a vaia perfon, and sometimes upon the solicitation of the infirm, he flattered himself, and others Hattered him, with the hopes of succeeding. At last he ordered the physicians to give their opinion, whether this sort of blindness and Jameness were curable by the art of man or not? The physicians an. swered uncertainly, that the one had not his visual faculty utterly de

* Josephus takes notice in general of these many omens of Vespasian's ad. vancement to the empire, and distinêtly adds his own remarkable prediction of it allo. Antiq. B. V. chap, viii. fe&t. 3, 9.

+ This although seems to imply that Velpalian was proclaimed emperor in jadea, before he was so proclaimed at Alexandria, as the whole history of Josephus implies, and the place where now Vespasian was, which was no other than judea, requires also this explanation, though the inauguration day might be celebrated afterward from bis first proclamation at the great city Alexandria, only theo the nones or ides in Tacitus and Suetonius mul be of June, and coc of July.

stroyed, and that it might be restored, if the obstacles were removed : That the other's limbs

were disordered, but if an healing virtue were made use of, they were capable of being made whole. Perhaps, said they, the gods are willing to allist, and that the emperor is chosen by divine interpofition: However, they said at last, that if the cures lucceeded, Cæsar would have the glory, if not, the poor miserable ob. jęcts would only be laughed at. "Whereupon Vespasian imagined that his good fortune would be universal, and that nothing on that account could be incredible, so he looked cheerfully, and in the fight of the multitude, who stood in great expectation, he did what they desired him: Upon which the lame hand was recovered, and the blind man faw. inimediately. Both these cures* are related to this day by those that were present, and when speaking falsely will get no reward.

Book V. CHAP. I.


upon by his father to finish the conquest of Judea and while both he and his father were private persons, was celebrated for his martial conduct, acted now with greater vigor, and hopes of reputation, the kind inclinations both of the provinces and of the armies striving one with another who kould mort encourage him. He was also himself in a disposition to thew that he was more than equal to his fortune ; and when he appeared in arms, i he did als things after such a ready and graceful way, treating all after such an affable manner, and with such kind words, as invited the good will and good withes of all. He ap. peared also in his actions and in his place in the troops ; he mixed with the common soldiers, yet without any stain to his honor as a general.t He was received in Judea by three legions, the fifth, and the tenth, and the fifteenth, who were Vespasian's old soldiers. Syria also afforded him the twelfth, and Alexandria, soldiers out of the twentyfecond and twentythird legions. Twenty cohortst of auxiliaries ac. companied, as allo eight troops of horse.

* The miraculous cures done by Vefpafian are attested to both by Suetonius in Vespasian, fret. 7, and by Dio, p. 217, and leem to be well attested. Our Saviour seems to have overruled the Heathen oracle of Serapis to procure the divine approbation to Velpasian's advancement to the empire of Rome, as he suggested the like approbation to the advancement both of Vespasian and Titus to Josephus, which i wo were to be his cho en instruments in brioging on that terrible destructon upon the Jewish nation, which he had threatened to execute by these Roman armies. Nor could any other Roman generals than Vefpafian and Titus, at that time, in human probability, have prevailed over the Jews, and destroyed Jerusalem, as this whole history in Josephus implies. Josephus allo every where (upposes Vespasian and Titus raised up to command against Judca and Jerusalem, and to govern the Roman empire by Divine Providence, and not in the ordinary way: As also he always supposes this destruction a divine judgment on the Jews for their fins.

+ This character of Titus agrces exaltly with the history of Josephus, upon! all occasions.

These twenty cohorts, and eight troops of horse, are not direaly eaume. rated by Josephus, Antiq. B. V. chap. i. fedt, 6.

King Agrippa also was there, and king Sohemus, and the auxiliaries of king Antiochus, and a strong body of Arabians, who, as is usual in nations that are neighbors to one another, went with their accustomed hatred against the Jews, with many others out of the city of Rome, as every one's hopes led him into the delign of getting early into the gencral's favor. before others should prevent them.

He entered into the borders of the enemies' country with these forces, in exact order of war: And looking carefully about him, and being ready for battle, he pitched his camp not far from Jerufalem.

CHAP. X.) When therefore he had pitched his camp, as we faid just now, before the walls of Jerusalem, he poinpously* lhewed his le. gions ready for an engagement.

CHAP. XI.] The l'ews formed their camp under the very wallst (of the city) and if they fuccee'ed, they resolved to venture farther, but if they were beaten back, that vas their place of refuge. When a body of cavalryi were fent against them and with them cohorts, that were expedite and nimble. the fight was doubtful; but soon af. terwards the enemies gave ground, and on the following days there were frequent skirmithes before the gates, till after many losses they were driven into the city. The Romans then betook themselves to the fiege, for it did not seem honorable to stay till the enemies were reduced by famine. The soldiers were very eager to expose them. felves to dangers part of them out of true valor, many out of a brutish fierceness, and out of a desire of rewards.

Titus had Rome, and the riches and pleasures of it before his eyes, all which seemed to be too long delayed, unless Jerusalem could be foon destroyed.

The cityø stood on an high elevation, and it had great works and ramparts to secure it, such as were sufficient for its fortification, had it bien on plain ground, for there were two hills, of a vast height, which were enclosed by walls made crooked by art, or (naturally) bending inwards, that they might Aank the beliegers, and cast darts on them side ways. The extreme parts of the rock were craggy, and the towers, when they had the advantage of the ground, were fixty feet high : When they were built on the plain ground, they were not built lower than one hundred and twenty feet; they were of uncommon beauty, and to those who looked at them at a great distance, they feemed equal. Other walls there were beneath the royal palace, be sides the tower of Antonia, with its top particularly conspicuous. It was called so by Herod, in honor of Marcus Antonius.

CHAP. XII.} The temple was like a citadel, having walls of its own, which had more labor and pains bestowed on them than the rest,

* This word in Tacitus, pompously fnewed his legions, looks as if that pompous thew which was some months afterward, in Jofephus, ran in bis mind, Antiq B. V. chap. ix. lect. 1.

+ These firft bickerings and battles near the walls of Jerufalem, are at large io Jolephus, Antiq B V chap. ii.

# Jolephus diftinctly mentions these horsemen or cavalry, 600 in number, among whom Titus had like to have been sain or taken prisoner, Antiq. B. V. chap. ij. fect. 1, 2, 3,

|| Such a deliberation and resolution, with this very reason, that it would be dishonorable to stay till the Jews were tarved out by famine, is in Josephus, Antiq. B. V chap. xii sect 1

$ This description of the city of Jerusalem, its two hills, its three walls, and four towers, &c. are in this place at large in Josephus, Aatig. B. V. chap, if. See also Pompey's liege, B. XIV. chap. iv, fe&t. 2.

The cloisters wherewith the temple was enclosed were an excellent fortification.

They had a fountain of water that ran perpetually ; and the mountains were hollowed under ground: They had moreover pools* and cisterns for the preservation of the rain water.

They that built this city foresaw, that from the difference of their conduct of life from their neighbors they should have frequent wars ; thence it came to pass, that they had provision for a long fiege. After Pompey's conquest also their 'fear and experience had taught them generally what they should want.t

Moreover the covetous temper that prevailed under Claudius, gave the Jews an opportunity of purchasing for money leave to fortify Jerusalem ; so they built walls in time of peace, as if they were going to war, they being augmented in number by those rude multitudes of people that retired thither on the ruin of the other cities, for every obstinate fellow ran away thither, and there became more seditions than before.

There were three captains, and as many armies. Simon had the re. motest and the largest parts of the walls under him. John, who was also called Bar Gioras, (the son of Gioras] had the middle parts of the city under him; and Eleazar had fortified the temple itself. John and Simon were superior in multitude and strength of arms, Eleazar was superior by his situation, but battles, factions, and burnings, were common to them all; and a great quantity of corn was consumed by fire. After a while John sent some, who, under the pretence of offering sacrifice, might say Eleazar, and his body of troops, which they did, and got the temple under their power. So the city now was parted into two factions, until, upon the coming of the Romans, this war abroad produced peace between these that were at home.

CHAP. XIII.] Such prodigies || had happened as this nation, which is superstitious enough in its own way, would not agree to expiate by the ceremonies of the Roman religion, nor would they atone the gods by facrifices and vows, as these used to do on the like occasions. Ar. mies were feen to fight in the sky, and their armor looked of a bright light color, and the temple fhone with sudden flashes of fire out of the clouds. The doors of the temple were opened on a sudden, and a voice greater than human was heard, that the gods were retiring, and at the same time was there a great motion perceived, as if they were going out of it, which some elteemed to be causes of terror. The greater part had a firm belief that it was contained in the old facerdo. tal books, that at this very time the east would prevail, and that some

* Of these pools, see Josephus, B. V.'chap. xi. fe&t. 4. The cisters are not mentioned by him here, though they be mentioned by travellers. See Relaod's Palestine, Tom. I. P. 304.

+ This is Tacitus's or the Romans' own hypothefis, unsupported by Jofephus.

This sale of leave for the Jews to build the walls of Jerusalem for money, is alio Tacitus's or the Romans' own hypothesis, unsupported by Josephus. Nor is Josephus's character of Claudius near jo bad, as to other things also, as it is in Tacitus and Suetonius. Dio says, he was far from covetournels in partic. ular. The others seem to have misreprelented his meek and quiet temper, and Fearning, but without ambition, and his great kindness to the Jews, as the most contemptible folly. See Antiq. B. XIX. chap. iv. lect. 4. He was indeed much ruled at first by a very bad winister, Pallas; and at last was ruled and poisoned by a very bad wife, Agrippina.

|| These prodigies, and more, are at large in Josephus, Antiq. B. VI. chap. v.


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