Although, then, we have no national Church, yet, as a religious sentiment now controls the nation—a sentiment that finds its natural expression in free institutions, and in the education and elevation of the laboring masses-it may be truly said that this Gospel, which proclaims freedom and equal rights and education for the whole humanity, stands now before the world embodied in the institutions of one of the foremost Powers of earth. To this Christianity, this form of faith, the American nation will henceforth hold as close a relation as Russia does to the Greek Church, or as the Latin nations to the Church of Rome. This, as has been stated, will be without a national Church; but this particular religious sentiment, which has gained us the victory over the rebellion, will henceforth strengthen with the growth of the nation; and although there will be no State establishments, there will be an American form of Christianity.

This being granted, the all-important fact at once presents itself, that this new form of faith animating our political body stands at every point the direct and irreconcilable antagonist of the Papal Church, and every other form of spiritual and political despotism. From the very necessity of its nature, it presents itself among the nations as the Liberator of humanity.

Nor does this involve any idea of spreading our faith, or extending our political system, by any invasion of the rights or territory of theirs. America proposes no attack upon European nations. She is quite willing to restrict herself to the quiet influence of her example and the power of truth. She proposes no invasion of the possessions of another power, even on this continent; but when a European monarch plants himself on our border, with the declared intention of arresting even our peaceful progress, it becomes then a matter of urgent necessity to consult our national safety.

It appears, then, that the Greek or Russian Church, the Church of Rome, and American Christianity are the relig ious forces which now divide the world between them, and

that between the Greek Church and the Papacy, and also between our American faith and the Papal Church, there is irreconcilable opposition. The peace of the future depends, therefore, upon the question whether either of these will change its principles or abandon its purposes; for if not, then beyond all dispute the future will bring us not peace, but a conflict, whether of arms or ideas only no one now can certainly tell. This question it is well to consider.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

WILL THE THREE GREAT RELIGIOUS FORCES ALREADY NAMED ACT SEPARATELY OR HARMONIOUSLY HEREAFTER, OR WILL THEY COME INTO COLLISION?

In order to answer this question, we must consider the direction in which these forces are acting now, and the spirit and policy of the nations which these forces control.

Since Russia took her place among the nations as one of the great Powers of Europe, her policy has been shaped by one central idea-to recover the old Greek Empire from the grasp of the Turk, to possess herself of Constantinople, and thus extend the Greek Church again over its ancient territory. Toward this end every great movement of the Russian Government has tended. Her acquisitions of territory, her fortifications and fleets on the Black Sea and on the Caspian, her war in the Caucasus, her treaties with and her movements upon Persia-all look toward this one great purpose. No threats, no acts of diplomacy, no force has availed to turn her from her path. She has braved the combined strength of France and England in the pursuit of her object, and she is quite ready to do it again if occasion requires. She can not and will not abandon the national idea. The heart and eye of the whole nation are fixed on Constantinople and the East. All over the empire it is regarded as the fixed destiny of Russia to deliver the Ottoman Power, and to occupy and hold Constantinople.

It may, probably, be safely said that an emperor who should discard this policy would be regarded as having proved false to his country, and would be dethroned. It

may be regarded, then, as settled, that the traditional policy of Russia will not be abandoned, and she will persevere, at all hazards, in the design to establish the Greek Church at Constantinople, and to spread her religious and political influence over the East. But at Constantinople, not the Turk alone, but France and England stand, as heretofore, across her path. Russia will not yield. Will France and England permit her peaceful progress? Let the reader consider the attitude of France and the Papal Church, and the question will be answered in regard to them.

In all lands the Romish Church, as has been stated, manifests a new activity, ambition, and zeal; she exhibits fresh confidence in her old idea of subjugating the world. This reawakening dates back now somewhat more than a quarter of a century, about the time of her first serious attempts to establish herself on a large scale within the United States.

At no period since the Reformation has the Roman Catholic Church been so confident of bringing the world under her control as now. She is making unwearied efforts to plant herself in every position of influence which by any possibility she can bring within her reach; and externally she seems to be making progress every-where.

They who turn to the Pope and Italy for the purpose of measuring the power of the Catholic Church, will be entirely misled. The Pope, it may be, is of small account in the policies of Europe; and the Romish Church, as exhibited at Rome, may appear like a weak and contemptible burlesque upon Christianity-an organization rotten at heart and ready to vanish away. But let him who would understand the Papal Church of to-day, who would study its designs and gauge its strength, turn to Paris, and he will see in Louis Napoleon the real head of the Papacy, and wielding for its support the combined power of the Latin nations of Europe.

The Emperor of France is no religious enthusiast; the idea of winning the world for Christ is no part of his scheme. He is plotting merely for the political advance

ment of France; he holds ever in his mind's eye the restoration of the Empire of Charlemagne, the placing France at the head of Europe. He sees in the Catholic Church, as he believes, the means of success, and he seeks to extend its power in all lands, because he thus increases his own. The leaders of the Church, on the other hand, are delighted to find the nations of Europe organizing for their support, and this double power is going forth, as they confidently expect, to the conquest of earth.

This view of the subject will show that neither France nor the Papal Church will pause in its course. Like Russia, they are following out a traditional policy; and, like her, France has brought the power of the religious sentiment of an immense population to support her political ambition.

France knows well that she is mistress of Western Europe. She knows that England, so far from having the power to oppose her, has reached the point where her only privilege is to state that she heartily agrees with France.

Nothing, then, seems more certain than that France and the Papacy will go steadily, strongly, confidently forward in their scheme for the aggrandizement of France and the Church.

At Constantinople, and on the shores of the Black Sea, France and the Papacy must cross the path of Russia and the Greek Church, and the shock of that next collision is likely to shake all Europe. With that contest we hope to have no direct connection. But France has seen fit, with a most insulting declaration of her purpose, to prepare on our own continent a place where she must inevitably meet in hostility the progress of our Protestant life. By planting itself in Mexico, this double-headed French-Papal power has placed itself in front of our advancing civilization, and says to the United States, "At the point where you now are your progress must be stopped, and from that point you shall now retreat, for I intend to restore the prestige of the Latin race on this Western continent." By this movement-made on the assumption that the rebellion would