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deserted field; nobody ever went that way, but the guideboard thought the next man would. Thousands passed, and notwithstanding the fact that no one went in the direction of the guide-board, through calm and shine and storm, it pointed diligently into the old field, and swore to it the road went that way; and I said to myself, "Such is the Democratic party of the United States." (Laughter.) I saw a little while ago a place in the road where there had been a hotel. The hotel had gone down over thirty years ago, and there was nothing standing but two desolate chimneys, up the flues of which the fires of hospitality had not roared for thirty years. The fence was gone, and the post holes even were obliterated, but there was a sign in the road, and on the sign were the words: "Entertainment for man and beast." old sign swung and creaked in the winter wind, the snow fell upon it, the sleet clung to it, and in the summer the birds sung and twittered and made love upon it; nobody ever stopped there, but the sign swore to it, the sign certified to it, "Entertainment for man and beast." And I said to myself, "Such is the Democratic party of the United States, and one chimney ought to be called Tilden, and the other chimney ought to be called Hen-. dricks." (Laughter.) I saw also by a stream, a building that had ouce been a mill; all the clap-boards nearly were gone, and the roof leaked like an average Democratic wool hat with the top burst, though there was a sign hanging by one nail, "Cash for wheat." Not a kernel had been ground there for thirty years; the old mill wheel had fallen off its gudgeons into the street, and it was as dry as though it had been in the final home of the Democratic party for forty years. (Laughter and applause.)

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The dam was gone; nobody had built a new dam; the mill was not worth a dam! (Laughter.) And I said to myself, "That is exactly the condition of the Democratic party to-day."

THE "STATES RIGHTS" DOCTRINE.

The Democratic party, I say, is incapable of advancement; the only stock that they have in trade to-day is the old infamous doctrine of Democratic State rights. There never was a more infamous doctrine advanced on this earth, than the Democratic idea of State rights. What is it? It has its foundation in the idea that this is not a Nation; it has its foundation in the idea that this is simply a confederacy, that this great Government is simply a bargain, that this great splended people have simply made a trade, and that the people of any one of the States are sovereign to the extent that they have the right to trample upon the rights of their fellow-citizens, and that the General Government cannot interfere. The great Democratic heart is fired to-day, the Democratic bosom is bloated with indignation because of an order made by General Grant sending troops into the Southern States to defend the rights of American citizens! Who objects to a soldier going? Nobody except a man who wants to carry an election by fraud, by violence, by intimidation, by assassination, and by murder. The Democratic party is willing to-day that Tilden and Hendricks should be elected by violence; they are willing to-day to go into partnership with assassination and murder; they are willing to-day that every man in the Southern States, who is a friend of this Union, and who fought for our flag--that the rights of every one of these men

should be trampled to dust, provided Tilden and Hendricks be elected President and Vice-President of this country. They tell us that a State line is sacred; that you never can cross it unless you want to do a mean thing; that it you want to catch a fugitive slave you have the right to cross it; but if you wish to defend the rights of men, then it is a sacred line, and you can not cross it. Such is the infamous doctrine of the Democratic party. Who, I say, will be injured by sending soldiers into the

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Southern States? No one in the world except the man who wants to prevent an honest citizen from casting a legal vote for the Government of his choice. For my part, I think more of the colored Union men of the South, than I do of the white disunion men of the South. (Applause.) For my part, I think more of a black friend than a white enemy. (Applause.) For my part, I think more of a friend black outside, and white in, than I do of

a man who is white outside and black inside. (Applause.) For my part, I think more of black justice, of black charity, and of black patriotism, than I do of white cruelty, than I do of white treachery and treason. (Applause. As a matter of fact, all that is done in the South to-day, of use, is done by colored men. The colored man raises everything that is raised in the South, except hell. (Laughter and cheers.) And I say here tonight that I think one hundred times more of the good, honest, industrious man of the South than I do of all the white men together that do not love this Government (applause), and I think more of the black man of the South than I do of the white man of the North that sympathizes with the white wretch that wishes to trample upon the rights of that black man. (Applause.) I believe that this is a Government, first, not only of power, but that it is the right of this Government to march all the soldiers in the United States into any sovereign State of this Union to defend the rights of every American citizen in that State. (Applause. Voice, Voice, "That's so." "That's the doctrine.") If it takes the last man and the last dollar, I am in favor of killing enough Democrats to protect the rights of Union men. (Good," "good." Cheers."

A Government that will not protect its protectors, a Government that will not defend its defenders, is a disgrace to the Nations of the earth, and the flag that will not protect them in her own country is a dirty rag that contaminates the air in which it floats. It is conceded by all Democrats and Republicans that in time of war this Government can come to your house, come to you when you are sitting with your family at your fireside,

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