to say that he will veto until he has heard both sides of the question. But he agrees in advance.

Death may

I would rather trust a party than a man. veto Hancock, and death has not been a successful politician in the United States, Tyler, Fillmore, Andy Johnson-I don't wish Death to elect any more Presidents; and if he does, and if Hancock is elected, William H. English becomes President of the United States. (Hisses, "No, no, no!") All I need to say about him is simply to pronounce his name; that is all. You don't want him. Whether the many stories that have been told about him are true or not I don't know, and I will not give currency to a solitary word against the reputation of an American citizen unless I know it to be true. What I have got against him is what he has done in public life. When Charles Sumner, that great and splendid publicist; Charles Sumner, the great philanthropist, one who spoke to the conscience of the time and to the history of the future; when he stood up in the United States Senate and made a great and glorious plea for human liberty, there crept into the Senate a villain and struck him down as though he had been a wild beast. man was a member of Congress, and when a resolution was introduced in the House to expel that man William H. English voted "No." All the stories in the world could not add to the infamy of that public act. That is enough for me, and whatever his private life may be, let it be that of an angel, uever, never, never will I vote for a man that would defend the assassin of free speech. General Hancock, they tell me, is a statesman; that what little time he has to spare from war he has given to the tariff, and what little time he could spare from the

That

tariff he has given to the Constitution of his country; showing under what circumstances a Major-General can put at defiance the Congress of the United States. It won't do. But while I am upon that subject it may be well for me to state that he never will be President of the United States.

Now, I say that a man who in time of peace prefers peace, and prefers the avocations of peace; a man who in the time of peace would rather look at the corn in the air of June, rather listen to the hum of bees, rather sit by his door with his wife and children; the man who in time of peace loves peace, and yet when the blast of war flows in his ears shoulders the musket and goes to the field of war to defend his country, and when the war is over goes home and again pursues the avocation of peace-that man is just as good, to say the least of him, as a man who in a time of profound peace makes up his mind that he would like to make his living killing other folks. Το say the least of it, he is as good.

THE REPUBLICAN STANDARD BEARERS.

The Republicans have named as their standard bearers James A. Garfield (tremendous cheers, again and again renewed, the men standing up, waving their hats and the ladies their handkerchiefs)—James A. Garfield and Chester A. Arthur (great cheers and applause.) James A. Garfield was a volunteer soldier, and he took away from the field of Chickamauga as much glory as any man could carry. He is not a soldier; he is a statesman. He has studied and discussed all the great questions that affect the prosperity and well-being of the American people. His opinions are well known, and I say to you to

night that there is not in this Nation, there is not in this Republic, a man with a greater brain and greater heart than James A. Garfield. I know him and like him.

I

know him as well as any other public man, and I like him. The Democratic party say that he is not honest. I have been reading some Democratic papers to-day, and you would say that every one of their editors had a private sewer of his own into which had been emptied for a hundred years the slops of hell. They tell me that James A. Garfield is not honest. Are you a Democrat? Your party tried to steal nearly half this country. Your party stole the armament of a nation. Your party was willing to live upon the unpaid labor of four millions of people. You have no right to the floor for the purpose of making a motion of honesty. Sit down. James A. Garfield has been at the head of the most important committee of Congress; he is a member of the most important one of the whole House.

the United States.

He has no peer in the Congress of And you know it. He is the leader of the House. With one wave of his hand he can take millions from the pocket of one industry and put it into the pocket of another; with a motion of his hand he could have made himself a man of wealth, but he is to-night a poor man. But he is rich in honor, in integrity he is wealthy, and in brain he is a millionaire. I know him and I like him. He is as genial as May and he is as generous as Autumn. And the men for whom he has done unnumbered favors, the men whom he had pity enough not to destroy with an with his great generosity, he has allowed, intellectually, to live, are now. throwing filth at the reputation of that great and splendid man.

argument, the men who,

Several ladies and gentlemen were passing a muddy place around which were gathered ragged and wretched urchins. And these little wretches began to throw mud at them; and one gentleman said, "If you don't stop I will throw it back at you." And a little fellow said, "You can't do it without dirtying your hands. And it doesn't hurt us, anyway."

I never was more profoundly happy than on the night of the 12th day of October when I found that between an honest and a kingly man and his maligners, two great States had thrown their shining shields. When Ohio said, "Garfield is my greatest son, and there never has been raised in the cabins of Ohio a grander man;" and when Indiana-and when Indiana held up her hands and said, "Allow me to endorse that verdict," I was profoundly happy, because that said to me, "Garfield will carry every Northern State," that said to me, "The Solid South will be confronted by a great and splendid North." I know Garfield. I like him. Some people have said, "How is it that you support Garfield when he was a minister? "How is it that you support Garfield when he is a Christian?" I will tell you. There are two reasons. The first is, I am not a beggar; and secondly, James A. Garfield is not a beggar. He believes in giving to every other human being every right he claims for himself. He believes in an absolute divorce between Church and State. He believes that every religion should rest upon its morality, upon its reason, upon its persuasion, upon its goodness, upon its charity, and that love should never appeal to the sword of civil war. He disagrees with me in many things, but in the one thing, that the air is free for all, we do agree. I want to do equal and exact jus

tice everywhere. I want the world of thought to be without a chain, without a wall. James A. Garfield, believing with me as he does, disagreeing with me does, is perfectly satisfactory to me. I know him, and I like him.

as he

Men are to-day blackening his reputation, who are not fit to blacken his shoes, He is a man of brain. Since his nomination he must have made forty or fifty speeches, and every one has been full of manhood and genius. He has not said a word that has not strengthened him with the American people. He is the first candidate who has been free to express himself and who has never made a mistake. I will tell you why he don't make a mistake; because he spoke from the inside out. Because he was guided by the glittering Northern star of principle. Lie after lie has been told about him. Slander after slander has been hatched and put in the air with its little short wings, to fly its dirty day, and the last lie is a forgery.

A FORGERY.

I saw to-day the fac-simile of a letter that they pretended he wrote upon the Chinese question. I know his writing; I know his signature; I am acquainted with his writing; I know handwriting, and I tell you to-night that letter and that signature are forgeries. A forgery for the benefit of the Pacific States; a forgery for the purpose of convincing the American workingmen that Garfield is without heart. I tell you, my fellow-citizens, that cannot take from him a vote. But Ohio pierced their cencer and Indiana rolled up both flanks and the rebel line cannot reform with a forgery for a standard. They are gone.