falls. By the aristocratical law of primogenitureship, in a family of six children, five are exposed. Aristocracy has but one child. The rest are begotten to be devoured. They are thrown to the cannibal for prey, and the natural parent prepares the unnatural repast." So far for the opinions of the modern Whigs on the subject of the British Constitution, of aristocracy, &c. Let us proceed to see what are the doctrines of this class with respect to the House of Commons, and the rights of corporations. "It (the House of Commons) does not arise out of the inherent rights of the people. "When the people of England come to reflect upon them (the corporations) they will like France, annihilate those badges of oppression, those traces of a conquered nation." In a late session we have seen, in the passing of the Reform Bill, the effects of these principles carried into practice.

We shall now proceed to the opinions of these men on the subject of monarchy. "When we survey the wretched condition of man under the monarchical and hereditary systems of government, dragged from his home by one power, or driven by another, and impoverished by taxes more than by enemies, it becomes evident that those systems are bad, and that a general revolution in the principle and construction of governments is neces

sary.

What is government more than the management of the affairs of a nation? It is not, and from its nature cannot be, the property of any particular man or family, but of the whole community, at whose expense it is supported, and though by force or contrivance it has been usurped into an inheritance, the usurpation cannot alter the right of things. Sovereignty, as a right, appertains to the nation only, and not to any individual; and a nation has at all times an inherent, indefeasible right to abolish any form of government it finds inconvenient, and establish such as accords with its interest, disposition, and happiness. The romantic and barbarbarous distinction of men into kings and subjects, though it may suit the condition of courtiers, cannot that of citizens; and is exploded by the principle on which governments are now founded. Every citizen is a member of the sovereignty, and, as such, can acknowledge no personal subjec

tion; and his obedience can be only to the laws."

We shall not offend our readers by quoting any more of this composition of impiety, obscurity, falsehood, and absurdity, further than to show the sentiments of these men with respect to that revolution which the ancient Whigs regarded as a more glorious event than Cressy, Agincourt, or Poictiers. “It is somewhat extraordinary, that the offence for which James II. was expelled-that of setting up power by assumption, should be reacted under another shape and form, by the parliament that expelled him. It shows that the rights of man were but imperfectly understood at the revolution; for certain it is, that the right which that parliament set up by assumption (for by delegation it had it not, and could not have it, because none could give it) over the persons and freedom of posterity for ever, was of the same tyrannical, unfounded kind which James attempted to set up over the parliament and the nation, and for which he was expelled. The only difference is, (for in principle they differ not) that the one was an usurper over the living, and the other over the unborn; and as the one has no better authority to stand upon than the other, both of them must be equally null and void, and of no effect. As the estimation of all things is by comparison, the revolution of 1688, however from circumstances it may have been exalted beyond its value, will find its level. It is already on the wane; eclipsed by the enlarging orb of reason." "Some of our readers may feel disposed to think that these doctrines are so much worse than those avowed by the present race of soi disant Whigs, that some other change must have taken place since the period of the French revolution, and that although it is clear that the principles of the present Whigs are totally different from and even opposite to, those of the ancient, yet they are not nearly so dangerous as those last quoted doctrines of the Whigs of the French revolution. To this we reply, we would gladly believe this statement if we could. We would gladly believe it, because they are men, and therefore entitled to the most charitable interpretation that can justly be put on their conduct; because they are ministers, and we could willingly hope, if permitted to do so, that

their objects are not so mischievous as their power is extensive; but when we attempt to persuade ourselves that such is the case, we are appalled by the recollection that these very men were active agents in those very blasphemous and treasonable associations whose opinions we have stated above: that the Tories of the reign of Charles II., their legitimate progenitors, did not, while they were in office, think it necessary to avow the principles on which they acted; and that the reason that the present Whigs confine themselves to practice, is because it is now only necessary for them, as it is the only office of which they are capable, to follow that track, and steer by that chart, which was laid down for them by the equally unprincipled, but infinitely more talented, individuals, in whose schools of democracy, infidelity, murder and blasphemy they were nurtured and educated. The theories of a party are produced when it is at rest, the projects are displayed when it is in action. But even if we suppose, as is indeed certainly the case, that the present leaders of the Whig party are incapable of pursuing such courses, if they perceived the full extent to which they must lead; we can derive no hope from this belief; this was equally the case at the period of the French revolution; and is, in fact, always the case to a greater or less extent, in every revolution; and as the convulsion hastens to its crisis the leaders become hourly less capable of perceiving the drift of the torrent, as they become more busily occupied in practical details and less at leisure for theoretical calculations.

We shall quote the opinion of Mr. Burke on this subject, as follows: "As to leaders in parties, nothing is more common than to see them blindly led; the world is governed by go-betweens. These go-betweens influence the persons with whom they carry on the intercourse, by stating their own sense to each of them as the sense of the other; and thus they reciprocally master both sides. It is first buzzed about the ears of leaders that their friends without doors are very eager for some measure or very warm about some opinion; that you must not be too rigid with themthey are useful persons, and zealous in the cause-They may be a little wrong, but the spirit of liberty must not be

damped; and by the influence you obtain from some degree of concurrence with them at present, you may be enabled to set them right hereafter. Thus the leaders are at first drawn to a connivance with sentiments and proceedings often totally different from their serious and deliberate notions. But their acquiescence answers every purpose." The truth of this statement has been exemplified in the conduct of the present ministry with respect to the Kildareplace Education Society. The Popish priesthood being naturally and professionally hostile to, and apprehensive of, all education, from the conscious ness that it must destroy their power over their flock, detested and dreaded this society, and why? because it was loved by the people. They therefore represented to the ministry that this society was very unpopular; while they threatened their flocks with all the terrors of the church if they continued to send their children to its schools. It might have been supposed, that men imagining themselves qualified to be advisers of the Crown, would have had the common sense to have seen through the motives of the Popish priesthood in making this statement; to have perceived that the hostility of the Popish clergy could not have proceeded from the dislike of their flocks to this system; but from the reverse; and to have replied, " Gentlemen, we are not surprised that the Kildarestreet Society does not please you; but you must excuse us if we do not consider that as any proof that it does not please your people, or in consequence that it does not, to the fullest extent, answer the purpose for which it was designed. On the other hand, we conceive, that no system could receive your approbation, which really tended to educate the lower orders of the Roman Catholic peasantry. It is not our purpose to lend our exertions to assist you in perpetuating popery in Ireland; our desire is, to afford such a system of education to the peasantry as will enlighten and cultivate their minds, without offending their prejudices, you must therefore pardon us, if we consider your hostility to this society as the strongest proof that it is acceptable to the peasantry, and productive to the fullest extent of the advantages for which it was designed." Such would have appeared to any man unacquaint

ed with the clearsighted, judicious, and enlightened policy of the present ministry, to have been the natural reply to such attacks of the Popish clergy. But far otherwise was the conduct of the government. They conceived that as there were but two religions in Ireland, there could be but two parties: they forgot that from the nature of the Romish church, there were, on the subject of education, three parties in Ireland; the Protestant population; the Romanist population; and the Popish clergy; of which the two first, that is, the whole population of the kingdom, were anxious for education, and attached to the Kildare-place society, while the third party were, and must be, hostile to all education in general, and especially apprehensive of that society, because it was particularly acceptable to their flocks.

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It is commonly said, however, that, "the great body of the landed proprietors must be roused at last. It is impossible that they can consent to any measure which would tend ultimately to deprive them of their estates; and when they take the alarm, all will be easily settled." We covet not the character of "parsis xaxwv," but we dread nothing so much as a hollow and deceitful security. To this ground of confidence, then, we reply in the words of the same wise and almost prophetic author; "I know too, that besides this vain, contradictory, and self-destructive security, which some men derive from the habitual attachment of the people to this constitution, whilst they suffer it with a sort of sportive acquiescence to be brought into contempt before their faces, they have other grounds for removing all apprehension from their minds. They are of opinion, that there are too many men of great hereditary estates and influence in the kingdom to suffer the establishment of the levelling system which has taken place in France. This is very true, if in order to guide the which now power attends their property, these men possess the wisdom which is involved in early fear. But if, through a supine security, to which such fortunes are peculiarly liable, they neglect the use of their influence in the season of their power, on the first derangement of society, the nerves of their strength will be cut, their estates, instead of being the means of their security, will become the very causes of their

danger. Instead of bestowing influence they will excite rapacity—they will be looked to as a prey. Such will be the impotent condition of those men of great hereditary estates, who indeed dislike the designs that are carried on, but whose dislike is rather that of spectators, than of parties that may be concerned in the catastrophe of the piece. But riches do not in all cases secure even an inert and passive resistance. There are always, in that description, men whose fortunes, when their minds are once vitiated by passion or evil principle, are by no means a security from their actually taking their part against the public tranquillity. We see to what low and despicable passions of all kinds, many men in that class are ready to sacrifice the patrimonial estates, which might be perpetuated in their families with splendour, and with the fame of hereditary benefactors to mankind from generation to generation. Do we not see how lightly people treat their fortunes when under the influence of the passion of gaming? The game of ambition or resentment will be played by many of the rich and great, as desperately, and with as much blindness to the consequences, as any other game. Was he a

man of no rank or fortune who first set on foot the disturbances which have ruined France? Passion blinded him to the consequences so far as they concerned himself, and as to the consequences with regard to others, they were no part of his consideration; nor ever will be with those who bear any resemblance to that virtuous patriot and lover of the rights of man."

We trust we have sufficiently proved how little claim, the modern Whigs, as they call themselves, or Tories, as they ought to be called, possess, to be considered as members of the same party, with those consistent, loyal, Protestant, and constitutional men, who brought about, and conducted to its happy termination the celebrated revolution of 1688. But we cannot dismiss this subject without calling the attention of our readers to some coincidences which attract the notice of those who compare the period of the French revolution with the present state of affairs.

The Whigs of this day profess toleration to all sorts of religion; they disclaim the slightest preference to the true over the false; and assert that all

religions should be placed upon a level that is, in other words, they raise the false at the expense of the true, in order that when by its agency they have destroyed the latter, they may cast aside the former without hesitation or reserve. But we shall see these very men, and the character of that liberality, which is generous of others' rights, and tolerant of others' wrongs, described by Mr. Burke as accurately as if he had lived to see the Church of Ireland delivered bound by a Whig ministry into the hands of a gang of bloodthirsty, cowardly, and merciless traitors; and its meek, pious, and benevolent pastors butchered in cold blood by the very wretches whom they had devoted their labours to humanise, and their properties to support and relieve. "That which the assembly calling itself national, held out as a large and liberal toleration, is, in reality, a cruel and insidious persecution; infinitely more bitter than any which had been heard of within this century, it had a feature in it worse than the old persecutions. The old persecutors acted, or pretended to act, from zeal towards some system of piety and virtue, they gave strong preference to their own; and if they drove people from one religion, they provided for them another, in which men might take refuge and expect consolation. Their new persecution is not against a variety in conscience, but against all conscience. It professes contempt towards its object: and whilst it treats all religion with scorn, is not so much as neutral about the modes. It unites the opposite evils of intolerance and indifference."

The friends of the modern Whigs may adduce one palliation for their misconduct. They may say, that they err through ignorance. Ignorance is a melancholy excuse for a statesman; if it were an excuse, however, the present Whig party would be, perhaps, the most blameless class of men who have ever adorned the ministerial benches. But ignorance cannot excuse, when that ignorance is voluntary. We shall see what Mr. Burke considers

the right source whence statesmen should derive information ;-speaking of himself he says, "That author makes what the ancients call' mos majorum," not indeed his sole, but certainly his principal rule of policy, to guide his judgment in whatever re

gards our laws. Uniformity and analogy can be preserved in them by this process only. That point being fixed, and laying fast hold of a strong bottom, our speculations may swing in any direction without public detriment, because they will ride with sure anchorage."

In the course of this article we have endeavoured to prove, and we trust with success, the fact, that the principles of the ancient Whigs, were essentially conservative, and that those of the ancient Tories are the same with modern Whigs, on whom it is an act of injustice, alike to ourselves and our forefathers, to bestow that honorable name. We have likewise endeavoured to show the reasons why, and the means by which these appellations came to be conferred on persons holding the opposite principles from those upon whom they were originally bestowed. We shall now conclude our task in the warning language of that great man, whose opinions, delivered in order to stem the torrent of revolution and infidelity in his own age, are the best guide to direct our efforts against that which now threatens to annihilate every thing which we value, for which our fathers hazarded their fortunes and their lives. "I have stated the calamities which have fallen upon a great prince and nation, because they were not alarmed at the approach of danger, and because, what commonly happens to men surprised, they lost all resource when they were caught in it, When I speak of danger, I certainly mean to address myself to those who consider the prevalence of the new Whig doctrines as an evil. The Whigs of this day have before them, in this appeal, their constitutional ancestors. They have the doctors of the modern school. They will choose for themselves. The author of these reflections has chosen for himself. If a new order is coming on, and all the political opinions must pass away like dreams, which our ancestors have worshipped as revelations, he would rather be the last, (as certainly he is the least) of that race of men, than the first and greatest of those who have coined to themselves Whig principles from a French die, unknown to the impress of our fathers in the Constitution."

The passions of democracy when not corrected and softened by the chi valric spirit of monarchy, are, in politics, what the physical wants are to the primitive savage, fierce, ravenous, and sanguinary, stopping at nothing to satisfy them. The cutter which Van Happerty chanced to fall in with, and partially chaced, conveyed to one of the Parliamentarian squadrons intelligence of a Dutch ship of war being in the channel, and we shall see what followed. De Ruyter having discharged his trust, in landing the Queen and the warlike stores, &c. departed with his ships for Holland, and fortunately escaped coming in contact with the English squadron, which, instructed by the cutter, already mentioned, was making for that part of the coast. It was earliest dawn on the morning after the departure of the Dutch commodore, when a sail was seen in the offing, and unfortunately perceived by the roundhead cullion Crabtree, whom our readers we presume have not forgotten. From the experience derived by his residence on the coast he was assured of her being British, and he lost not a moment in taking boat and making for the vessel-his information directed the base and sanguinary attack which we have to relate. The ship of war having neared the shore as close as she could, opened a fire, aimed at Smallcraft's house, and the Queen was buried in profound sleep, when the cannonade aroused her to all the horrors of her situation, Fortunately De Lacy had been up some time, and in the Marquess of Winchester's room. Both rushed with little ceremony into the royal apartment, and after brief prepa

3rd Part Henry VI.

ration, they were bearing their perilled sovereign hastily away, when a crossbar shot, passing directly through the room, nearly smothered them in dust and splinters, but luckily, ranged too high to be fatal in its effects. This danger escaped, they were rapidly descending the stairs, when Henrietta, recollecting the Lady Eleanor, screamed her apprehension and anxiety for her beautiful and attached favourite. Leaving his royal mistress in the care of the marquess, De Lacy flew to rescue the adored mistress of his heart, or perish along with her. She had been lodged in the room immediately over that of the Queen; and just as the fair Eleanor's lover had reached the door, a stack of chimnies, built in the ponderous fashion of the times, came thundering down, dividing the house nearly in two. We shall not detail the means by which, with the assistance of the good Abbè, O'Reilly, De Lacy was enabled to bear Lady Eleanor, by this time insensible with terror, outside the house, which every moment threatened to fall upon them. It was perceived that the direction of the cannonade was changed somewhat, but still ploughing up the ground along the left of the quay, so as to render the attempt to pass that way certain destruction. They were turning to look for the means of escape in another quarter, when a loud halloo! caught their ear; and De Lacy perceived Oakshaft, the pilot, alone in a small boat, directly under the pier: "We have a chance," cried he" our only chance to get back across the creek undiscovered-I got over well enough." There was no time for deliberation :