this government, and that just so far as such apprehensions prevail, by reason of a belief that the national will, under high excitement, may overrule the peaceful purposes of the executive government, each European state has the control of the question in its own hands. A due concession of our national authority over all our territory and all our citizens would disarm all popular animosities against any foreign state. Friendship tendered to us will, in any case, be reciprocated as it always has SIR: I have the honor to enclose a copy and a translation of a communication this day received from his excellency the minister of foreign affairs, announcing the appointment of the Marquis de Montholon to represent the Emperor of France in the quality of envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary at Washington. I am, sir, with great respect, your very obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, JOHN BIGELOW. Secretary of State. Mr. Drouyn de Lhuys to Mr. Bigelow. PARIS, March 7, 1865. SIR Considerations altogether private placing an obstacle to the departure of M. le Marquis de Chateaurenard, the Emperor has called upon, to represent him in the quality of envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary at Washington, M. le Marquis de Montholon, to whom I have just transmitted the order to proceed without delay to his new post. It gives me pleasure to announce to you this appointment, in order that you may immediately inform the federal government thereof. It will learn, I think, with satisfaction, that the choice of his Majesty has fallen upon an agent who, during his former long residence in America, has been able to establish there numerous and sympathetic relations, the influence of which will be turned, as we do not doubt, to the advantage of the relations of good friendship which we are anxious to entertain with the government of the United States. Receive, sir, the assurances of the most distinguished consideration with which I have the honor to be, your very humble and very obedient servant, JOHN BIGELOW, Esq., &c., &c., &c. DROUYN DE LHUYS. No. 60.] Mr. Bigelow to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF the United States, SIR: A few weeks since Mr. J. Zumpstein, an accredited agent for Europe of the American Emigration Company, of which Mr. A. G. Hammond, of Hartford, Connecticut, is president, called upon me to say that an application which he had made for an authorization to contract for the transport of emigrants through Havre to the United States had been refused by the minister of the interior, and requesting my mediation. As this unexpected obstacle disarranged all the plans of the company very seriously, I called upon Mr. Behic, the minister of the interior, to know if his refusal rested upon facts or impressions which were susceptible of explanation or modification; if so, I said I should be happy to mediate in behalf of Mr. Zumpstein, who represented an enterprise for which France, I was persuaded, had no reason to feel otherwise than kindly. Mr. Behic remembered having signed the letter I referred to, but the motives of his refusal had passed from his mind, and he requested me to send him a written communication on the subject, when he promised to look into it. I replied that I had no authority nor intention to make a diplomatic question of the matter; if I had, I should have addressed myself directly to the minister of foreign affairs. I came to his excellency, not to discuss the right or the propriety of refusing the privilege solicited by Mr. Zumpstein, but simply to offer such explanations as might do away with erroneous impressions, if any existed, in regard to his enterprise. Mr. Behic then suggested that Mr. Zumpstein should address a note to him, through me, and he would send me his answer. I promised that Mr. Zumpstein should avail himself of this proposal, and in a day or two addressed to his excellency enclosures Nos. 1 and 2. After the lapse of a couple of days, the head of one of the bureaus of the ministry of the interior called and said that Mr. Behic had instructed him to say, in reference to the subject of my communication, that I must address myself to the minister of foreign affairs. I replied by stating the circumstances which led me to make my communication of the Sth instant to Mr. Behic; that I had no instructions to make a diplomatic question of it, and, without instructions, I did not feel authorized to bring it to the attention of the minister of foreign affairs. There the matter now rests. I shall not renew the subject, unless you instruct me to do so. If the ministers should revive it, I presume I can satisfy them of the harmlessness of Mr. Zumpstein's enterprise, unless it should seem to them likely to interfere with recruiting for Mexico. Should the weather continue so unfavorable for another fortnight as for some time past, I think this government will feel grateful to any company that will relieve them of a few thousand of their surplus population before another New Year's day is past. I am, sir, with great respect, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. JOHN BIGELOW. Mr. Bigelow to Mr Behic. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, DEAR SIR: In compliance with the intimation which I had the honor to receive on Thursday last from your excellency, I take leave to enclose a note I have received from M. Zumpstein, agent for France of the American Emigrant Company. Will your excellency have the goodness to inform me whether the grounds upon which Mr. Zumpstein's application was denied are of a nature to be modified by any explanations as to the character and objects of the company which I might be able to make? If so, I should be most happy of an opportunity to wait upon your excellency at your convenience. I embrace this occasion to assure your excellency of the high consideration with which I have the honor to be your excellency's most obedient and most humble servant, JOHN BIGELOW, His Excellency the MINISTER OF AGRICULTURE, Commerce, and Public Works. Chargé d'Affaires. Mr. Zumpstein to Mr. Bigelow. GRAND HOTEL, March 9, 1865. SIR: The American Emigrant Company, chartered under the act of Congress of July 4, 1864. for the promotion of foreign emigration, appointed me in December last its general agen for the empire of France. My authority and my instructions require me to reside at Havre to organize agencies and correspondencies in France, Belgium, and Switzerland, and through them, and by the circulation of information in regard to the United States, to invite and encourage emigration thither. A copy of my instructions, and of the power under which I am to act, are enclosed for your better information. On my arrival, and under the advice of M. 1 commissioner imperial de l'emigration au Havre, I addressed to his excellency the minister of agriculture, commerce, and public works a request for an authorization to engage and transport emigrants from the port of Havre to the United States, that being the most convenient port of departure for emigrants from Belgium, Switzerland, and France. On the 19th of February last I received a note from his excellency the minister of agriculture, commerce, and public works, informing me, briefly, that he was not able to accede to my request. But for the conviction that his excellency is laboring under some erroneous impression in regard to the nature and motives of the agency with which I am charged, I should feel that my business at Havre was closed, and should have retired without troubling you further than, perhaps, to notify the legation of what had occurred. But, as the company which I represent consists of some of the most distinguished and philanthropic men in the United States, as it was organized to operate under the laws and institutions of foreign nations, and not in conflict with any of them, as its ends are all humane, and as, in the opinion of its projectors, it reserves the special encouragement of the more populous countries of Europe, where land is dear and labor cheap, I have deemed it my duty to bring my situa tion to your notice, that you may determine whether it would serve any useful purpose for you to invite an opportunity of explaining the character and objects of the American Immigrant Company, and of ascertaining whether the ports of France are irrevocably closed against such passengers as this company may undertake to send to the United States. If, upon the oral explanations I have already given you, and after a perusal of the papers which I leave with you, you think it worth while to inquire whether the motives of the imperial government for refusing my request originate in an incorrect or an imperfect view of the facts, and that with proper explanations his excellency the minister of agriculture, commerce, and public works might be disposed to reconsider his decision, I take leave to invite your media tion with his excellency in our behalf. I am, sir, with great respect, your obedient servant, Hon. JOHN BIGELOW, Chargé d'Affaires. J. H. ZUMPSTEIN. No. 61.] Mr. Bigelow to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR Reports having reached me from various quarters that the rebels were counting upon having the ram Cheops the consort of the Stonewall at sea, and under their control within the current week, I asked Mr. Drouyn de Lhuys today what value I may attach to these reports. His excellency thanked me for giving him an opportunity of stating the exact situation of that matter for the information of my government. Arman had applied for an authorization to send the Cheops to Prussia, and had produced a bill of sale of the vessel to the Prussian government. "I was unwilling to be caught again as in the case of the Stonewall," said Mr. Drouyn de Lhuys, " and I told Mr. Arman that that was not sufficient; I must have proof of the highest official character from the Prussian government, not only that the vessel has been purchased by them, but had been taken into their possession." I thanked his excellency for his forethought, and begged him to see that the sale was completed by an absolute and unconditional delivery. He said he should; that the delivery must be made to some officer of the Prussian government fully authorized to take possession of her in its name, or she should not leave Bordeaux. He then made a memorandum of the matter, and said he should meet the minister of marine in the council of state to-morrow, and would impress the subject upon him anew. I availed myself of the occasion to refer to the use made of the Rappahannock, and to a new report that she was about to be sold. His excellency informed me that the minister of marine had recently told him that there had been no arrivals on board of the Rappahannock to speak of. I replied that our consular agent at Calais had advised me that twelve were brought on board last week. His excellency took a note of this also, and promised to speak again to the minister of marine upon the subject. But he assured me that I need give myself no trouble about her going into the service of our enemies. His excellency then spoke of my despatch in reference to the steamer Ark, seized by the rebels in Mexican waters; said the outrage ought not to have been tolerated, and promised to communicate the case to the department of war and marine, that orders may immediately issue for more vigor and vigilance in the enforcement of neutrality, I am, sir, with great respect, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, JOHN BIGELOW. Secretary of State, &c., &c., &c. No. 62.] Mr. Bigelow to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: I have but a few minutes left before the closing of the mail to give you the result of a conversation which I held this afternoon with Mr. Drouyn de Lhuys upon topics which have formed a feature in several of your recent despatches. After disposing of some business which is referred to in another communication to forward by this mail, I said to his excellency, in substance, that it was now generally conceded by witnesses more impartial than any American could be expected to be, that the war which has been raging in my country was drawing to its close, and that peace and order were destined to be restored, sooner or later, to the whole and undivided United States; that between the present moment and the realization of that auspicious state of things, the friendly powers who had conceded to the domestic enemies of the United States belligerent rights would be obliged to withdraw them, it not being consistent with relations of amity between two nations that either should encourage rebellion in the territory of the other, by perpetuating a concession of belligerent rights, after the motives for making it had practically ceased. I went on to say that it was the part of good statesmanship, as of good surgery, to heal a wound so as to leave no scar; that from one cause and another the traditional friendship of my country people for France had become somewhat chilled, and though it was not for me to say when the government of France ought to withdraw the declaration conceding belligerent rights to the American insurgents, I did feel prepared to say that if the imperial government could furnish any evidence of its friendship to the United States as intelligible to my country people as that which had begun to weaken their doubts of it, it would be highly politic to do so as soon as possible. I then referred his excellency to a suggestion which I had the honor to make at a previous interview, from which I thought he might extract the opportunity required. If the Emperor would refuse belligerent rights or asylum to vessels built and equipped in violation of the municipal laws of the country from which they take their departure, I felt persuaded it would be regarded, not only as the establishment of a sound and prudent principle of international law, but go very far towards removing impressions in regard to the feelings of France towards my country, of which the press was only a too faithful exponent. I suggested that this proposal did not involve any modification of the Emperor's declaration of September, 1861, and added such other considerations as I thought deserved to commend it to his excellency's attention. His excellency replied, that so long as the war lasted, that is, so long as our government encountered serious resistance by land or water, France could not be expected to treat our adversaries merely as disorderly persons, but the moment the contest degenerated into what he called "small war,” (petite guerré) it would be no longer war proper, and there would be no farther question of belligerent rights of neutrality. He then went on to say that he had observed in the United States and in responsible quarters evidence of an echanfeiment against France, which he thought was without provocation, and which, if indulged or encouraged, might lead to unhappy (facheuses) results; that France had taken no side in our controversy, whatever absurd stories had been propagated to the contrary; and his excellency here referred with some warmth to newspaper allegations about the late duke of Sonora. "Throughout the war," he said, "we have endeavored to treat the United States as a whole, and to avoid any act which looked towards a recognition of any part rather than the whole of the country. We have tried to be prepared for whatever fate was in store for the country, as the result of this war, disposed to accept what Heaven should send as, on the whole, best for the country, but without any disposition to anticipate nor control that result in any way whatever. That has been and will continue to be the position of France towards the United States." "If," said he, "you come to-morrow and inform me that peace has been concluded, I shall be happy to felicitate you. It would seem from your papers that your arms are prospered, but until you have crushed your adversaries we cannot deny to them the rights of belligerents." His excellency then went on to say, in reference to my suggestion about denying belligerent privileges and asylum to vessels equipped in violation of municipal law, that that was a subject upon which he could not give an answer at once. It involved intricate questions of law and required reflection and study. It occurred to him, he said, that there might be some difficulty in ascertaining whether a vessel-of-war had violated the municipal law of a foreign country. I replied that I did not propose that the government should be at the trouble of procuring the proof, but that it should designate the kind of papers an armed vessel should be required to furnish in proof of her lawful and innocent character. I said that I urged the matter less for a protection against any damages the rebels may be able to do us than as evidence of the friendly disposition of his government. I added that the occasion for invoking such a rule would probably cease very soon, while the good effects of the demonstration at the present moment would endure for ages. His excellency seemed disposed to take the subject into serious consideration, repeated that it required study and reflection, and promised to bestow both upon it. In the progress of his excellency's remarks I found occasion to state that circumstances have certainly occurred to excuse a portion of the irritation ber trayed by my country people towards France, and I referred particularly to the two years of anxious suspense in which we were kept in regard to the ultimate destination of the vessels contracted for by Arman for the confederates. “If," said I, "after the distinct pledge of your excellency to Mr. Dayton, one of these vessels is permitted to leave France, and passes straight into the hands of our enemies, as the Stonewall did, your excellency knows how difficult it is to satisfy the people of the United States that France has not been, to say the least, more indifferent than a friendly power should be about the damages which may result from her depredations." "For this reason," I said, “I had labored according to my means, both before and since I had been brought into official relations with his excellency, to have France remove every appearance of responsibility for the machinations of the rebels in France, and hence my earnest desire that the imperial government might take some step similar to |