the focieties established in this part of the united kingdoms. But after the trial and fentence paffed on the principal leaders in the Scottish convention, government, it fecms, refolved to purfue the fame measures refpecting the English focieties. To this end the principal members of the Correfponding Society, and of that for conftitutional information, were apprehended as guilty of treasonable practices, and committed to the Tower. Their names were Thomas Hardy, fecretary to the Correfponding Society; Daniel Adams, lecretary to the Society for Conftitutional Information; the celebrated Horne Tooke; Jeremiah Joyce, domeftic tutor to Lord Mahon, fon to Lord Stanhope; and John Thelwall, well known as a political lec turer. On the 12th of May, a meffage from the King was delivered to the Houfe Commons by Mr. Dundas, informing them that feditious practices had been carried on by (ocieties in London, in correfpondence with other focieties, to the intent of affembling a convention, to reprefent the people of England, in defiance and oppofition to ParJiament; and on principles fubverfive of the laws and conftitution of the kingdom, and introductory of the anarchy prevailing in France. Their papers had been seized, and would be laid before Parliament; to which it was recommended to examine them, and to adopt fuch meafures as might appear neceflary. They were produced accordingly on the next day; when Mr. Pitt moved an addrefs of thanks to the King, for the communication received, and proposed that the papers fhould be referred to a com mittee of fecrecy, confifting of twenty-one members, chofen by ballot. The report of this committee was produced to the Houfe by Mr. Pitt on the 16th of May. It contained the proceedings of the two focieties, from the year 1791; most of which, however, had been already published in the newspapers by the focieties themselves. It appeared to the committee, Mr. Pitt faid, that a plan had been formed, and was in forwardness, to affemble a convention of the people; which was to affume the cha racter and powers of a national representation, and to fuperfede the authority of parliament. If the Houfe concurred in the fame opinion, of which he entertained no doubt, not one moment should be loft in arming the executive power with fufficient authority to prevent the execution of fuch an attempt. A mere parliamentary reform was not the real aim of these focieties: their papers would make it evident, that they were, during the two laft years, leagued in a correfpondence with other focieties in this and a neighbouring country; from which the cleareft inference might be drawn, that a convention, fuch as defcribed, had been their original view; and that they were only waiting a fit opportunity to realize it. He bitterly inveighed against the doctrines contained in the performance termed the Rights of Man; charging it with all the evils that had befallen France, and as tending to propagate them in all Europe. The report, he faid, would fhew that a correfpondence had fubfifted between these societies and the Jacobin club; that they had fent delegates to the Convention at Paris, which had formally received received them; and that when the French Jacobin government commenced the war against Great Britain, thefe focieties had, to the utmoft of their power, acted an hoftile part, manifefted an adherrence to the fame caufe, affumed their expreffions and appellations, and laboured to diffeminate their principles. It was chiefly in the manufacturing towns their efforts were greatest, from the number of Ignorant and difcontented people with which they abounded. Notwithftanding their endeavours to conceal their intentions at times, they had not been able to difguife them at others. In one of their letters, that to the fociety at Norwich, they plainly intimated that they looked for no reform but from the convention they had in view, advifing, however, a continuance of petitions for reform, as a cover to their defigns. They had the audacity to ftyle the Scottish convention a legal reprefentation of the people; and to juftify those whom the law had fentenced to punishment. The condemnation of those men was the fignal at which they had agreed to come finally to an iffue upon the point, whether the law fhould frighten them into compliance, or whether they fhould oppofe it with its own weapons, force and power. What was this, Mr. Pitt faid, but declaring, in other words, that the time was come when either tamely to fubmit to the laws of their country, or refolutely to rife up against them! This fociety, however defpicable, and confifting of the lowest vulgar, had found the means of a moft expeditious and extenfive increase: it counted thirty divifions in London only, fome of them amounting to fix hundred individuals; and it kept a regular correfpondence with many others, fyftematically diftributed through various parts of the kingdom, par ticularly in the manufacturing towns. It had audaciously affumed the task of watching over the tranfactions of parliament, and of limiting boundaries to its powers, threatening deftruction if it dared to tranfgrefs them. It was no longer than fix weeks, he faid, fince the Correfponding Society had laid before the Conftitutional Society, a scheme for calling together a convention of the people, manifeftly for the purpose of diffolving the government, and lodging the fupreme power in their own hands. This was to have been executed in a few weeks. The addreffes they had drawn up to this effect were circulated with the utmost care and expedition: they had chofen a central fpot, in order to facilitate the affembling of delegates from alf parts; and every fociety was requefted to tranfmit an estimate of its numbers, that the ftrength of the combined focieties might be exactly known. These wretches, faid Mr. Pitt, expected, by following the precedents of the Jacobin principles and practices, to arrive at the fame degree of power. They had, no longer fince than the 14th of April, held a confultation, wherein the members of every depart ment of the ftate had been most fcandaloufly vilified, as unworthy and incompetent to hold their of ficial fituations. The report, he alfo faid, mentioned that arms had been actually procured and diftributed by thofe focieties. In confequence, therefore, of the informations contained in this report, he would move for a fufpenfion of the Habeas Corpus Corpus act, as particularly neceffary when a confpiracy exifted in the heart of the country; against which government ought to be empowered to proceed with all poflible vigour and expedition. In answer to Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox expreffed his aftonishment, that fo much pains had been taken by the committee of fecrecy to lay before the Houfe a collection of facts notoriously known to them and to the public at large for years. Whether the individuals concerned in the tranfactions juft related, had acted confiftently or not, was not deferving of confideration. One point in their conduct was clear: through the whole of the business they had taken in hand, they conftantly expreffed their wifhes for a parliamentary reform. The Scotch convention had, in the most public manner, declared a refolution not to oppofe government, but only to request a redrefs of grievances. Were convention and fedition fy nonimous terms? He had been a member of one in the year 1780, which correfponded openly with focieties formed on the fame principles in divers parts of England. They prefented their joint petition to the House, which formally received it, without charging them with fedition. Conventions never had, till the prefent period, been reputed contrary to the letter, or to the fpirit of the conftitution. By a convention the Irish had obtained a free conftitution: by the fame means the catholics in that kingdom had obtained the privileges they now enjoyed. He would not countenance the convention propofed by the focieties; but it would be dangerous for a Houfe of Commons, the immediate protectors of the franchises of their fellow-fub jects, to declare it illegal. To pretend alarm at their attempting to feize the reins of government, was mere affectation. Were any convention formed on fuch a plan, to be fo difpofleffed of their reafon as to venture on fuch a step, they muft immediately become an object of too much derifion to command any obedience. The extent of the minifterial measure was no lefs than to inveft the executive power with abfolute authority over every fubject in the kingdor: the reftraints with which it furrounded every man, were incompatible with that manly freedom of thought and fpeech, without which no liberty could exift. The fufpenfion of the Habeas Corpus act, was by no means warranted by any actual neceffity. The fufpenfions that took place in the years 1715 and 1745, were no precedent for the prefent period. Those were truly perilous times: the religion, the liberty of the kingdom were both menaced by a rebellion in favour of a popish pretender, and of a defpotic government. Mr. Sheridan, in oppofition to the bill, took fevere notice of the impatience with which the minifterial party had called for the queftion. Such conduct went to the preclufion of all parliamentary difcullion, and to impofe filence at once upon the legislative body.It would be more reasonable to limit the operation of the bill to individuals belonging to focieties engaged in the carrying forward political undertakings, than to deliver up all men indifcriminately to the will of the minister. Mr. Burke contended that the catholics in Ireland had not deno minated minated their affembling together a convention, but fimply a meeting of delegates. Their object was manifeft and acknowledged; but the convention alluded to, embraced every object, and affumed a latitude of power fuperior to that of parliament itself. The fufpenfion, far from being an oppreffive meafure, had frequently faved families from ruin, by placing the heads of them in cuftody, and preventing their rufling into rebellion. The motion for a fufpenfion being carried by a large majority, the bill, at three o'clock in the morning, after going through a firit and fecond reading, was voted into a committee and reported. But the third reading was deferred to the next day, when it was moved, but ftrenuoufly oppofed by Mr. Grey. He accufed the minifter of unjustifiable practices in appealing to the public voice, when he flattered himfelf it would be favourable to him, and by fpeaking of it in a difparaging manner when he expected it would reprobate his meafures. He reminded him of his behaviour when defeated in his former projects of parliamentary reform, and of the refolution in which he participated at the Thatched Houfe, in conjunction with Mr. Horne Tooke and other gentlemen: that, confidering it was in vain to look to parliament for a regeneration originating within itfelf, it be recommended to the people throughout the kingdom, to aflemble during the enfuing fummer, in diftricts, for the purpose of an application to parliament upon that fubject." What difference could there be, faid Mr. Grey, between the meetings thus recommended, and the convention that was now propofed? Were not their objects precifely fimilar? But how altered was the promoter of those former meetings! William Pitt, the reformer of that day, was the profecutor and perfecutor of reformers at the prefent! he then exerted himself to ftir up the paffions of the people, and to render parliament odious to them; but he now thought them unqualified to judge of their rights and interefts; and he purfued with the rancour of an apoftate his once intimate affociate in the business of parliamentary reform. He had that very day been taken up in the examination of Mr. Tooke, for perfevering in the fentiments which he had himself warmly avowed. He ought therefore to be confidered as an abettor of the doctrine of appealing to the people, inftead of applying to parliament: if there were guilt in this, the minifter was eminently guilty. It was afferted by Mr. Canning, on the ministerial fide, that if precedents were wanting, the occafion would juftify the measure propofed, and it was clearly warranted by the report of the committee. He fully agreed in opinion with the minifter, that though a parliamentary reform might be a proper object of difcution at a feafon of tranquillity, it was highly improper in times of war and popular agita tion. He explicitly declared, that as he had fided with the minifter in his ideas on this fubject,be should feel no repugnance in adopting his fentiments upon it on any future occafion, when he might be pleased to exprefs them, confident that they would be appofite to times and cir cumftances. Mr. Courteney, after noticing, with much humour, the readines of Mr. Canning to adhere firmly majority, might juftly be prefumed to the minifter, and which had to favour public difturbances. A already produced not a little mere parliamentary reform would laughter, obferved how ftrongly not anfwer their views. In one of Montefquieu, in his Spirit of Laws, their focieties it had been expressly had recommended it to the English ftated, "That fome things were nation, to confider the Habeas Cor- not to be fubmitted to, either with pus act as the palladium of their or without the fanction of parlialiberty. Nothing therefore could ment." But though they did not juftify its fufpenfion, but the ex- - all affect fuch a ftyle, he had not tremeft neceflity; but none exifted the least doubt that a convention, at prefent: no arms had been met on the principle of establishtaken up, nor correfpondence car- ing univerfal fuffrage and annual ried on with the enemy; and no parliaments, was totally inconfifteut legal proof could be adduced of a with the existence of the monarchy confpiracy to fubvert the govern- and parliament. ment. In answer to what had been fpoken concerning precedents, Mr. Dundas obferved, that an exact concurrence of circumftances precifely fimilar, was, in the nature of things, - hardly poffible. In matters of great moment, it was fufficient that incidents bore fome refemblance to authorize a fimilitude of conduct. The Habeas Corpus act had been fufpended nine times fince the Revolution, under circumstances of danger to the state, without producing thofe evils that were described in fuch alarming colours. No undue feverities had been exercited by government on thofe occafions, and no individual ever had just reafon to complain of being ill-treated in confequence of that fufpenfion. The low condition in life of the members and friends of the focieties in queftion, was pleaded as a motive for view. ing them rather with contempt than terror; but from individuals of this defcription much was certainly to be apprehended; having little or nothing to lofe by civil diforders and confufions, and perhaps, in their imaginations, a great deal to expect, numbers if not the Mr. Dundas was replied to by Mr. Sheridan, who took particular notice, that ever fince the French revolution, ministry had betrayed a remarkable apprehenfion of a parliamentary reform. Granting that difcontents exifted, did they prove a determination to rife in open re volt? Did the report, fo much infifted on, make it appear that the arms faid to be in poffeffion of those focieties, had not been provided by individuals to guard against the fury of a church and king mob? Mr. Wyndham obferved, that it could not be reasonably denied that fufficient proofs had been adduced of a confpiracy to overthrow the conftitution. The principle of univerfal fuffrage was alone a fource of the moft lamentable evils, as France could amply tef tify. The mild conduct of govern ment having failed of putting a ftop to the licentious proceedings of ill-intentioned individuals, it was time to employ fevere methods; and if thofe did not produce the end propofed, ftronger and feverer mcafures ftill muff be adopted. The evils threatened must be obviated at all events; and if the laws in being were inadequate to that purpose, others |