together with the formation of rules and regulations to be observed, to be vested in the hands of a committee. This body to be elected from the laboring classes, their employers and the representatives of landed and other property. Each parish would be thus at liberty to adopt such rules and regulations as the particular situation of the place required. It is not necessary for me to trouble the House with all the details that may be requisite for carrying the plan into execution. I should recommend the rules approved by each committee to be registered at the sessions, in order that any party who might be disposed to question the propriety of them, might appeal to the sessions, the magistrates having authority to quash, but not to enactOne third part of the committee to be annually changedThe rules to be revised every fifth year, so as to keep alive a constant attention towards perfectionating the system. It is one of the most important problems in legislation to determine what the state ought to take on itself to direct by public wisdom, and what it ought to leave to individual discretion.

I view with particular complacency this part of the plan, which intrusts to those who are to be relieved, a share in the administration of their funds. I consider it as likely to contribute to elevate the condition of the working classes. It presents a legitimate object of ambition-one fairly within their reach-connected with probity-the reward of honesty and good moral conduct. The influence of honorary distinctions is made available as the highest rewards that can be held out for acts of valor, may they not equally be offered as the recompence to virtue?

It is not easy to calculate the inestimable advantages which may result to the nation by calling into action all its worth and abilities. Fourteen thousand committees, constituted as I have a right to suppose they would be, could

not fail of producing such a code of laws as would embrace every object calculated for promoting morals and industry, and consoling misery.

The intercourse to which this plan would lead between the higher and lower classes in society, could not fail of being attended with the most beneficial results. Whilst it called forth the interest and attention of the one to the welfare of the other, it would increase the sentiments of respect and veneration on the part of the people for their superiors.

I should superadd another motive to stimulate to exertion; as the funds increased so should the contributions diminish. Thus would it become not only the collective but the individual interest of every member of the parish to have the funds economised.

The accumulations to be lodged from time to time in the hands of the receiver general, to be placed on government securities. Proper officers to be appointed in every district for receiving or furnishing money, as occasions might require. I do not think any thing more delightful could be proposed than that of calling on all ranks of society to unite their endeavours to multiply human happiness. If the other parts of the plan would admit of as much being said in its favor, I should anticipate the most favorable results.

Contrast the government I propose for the poor, with that under which it is at present. A hind or an ignorant overseer, driven reluctantly into the office, harassed and perplexed by perpetual unceasing applications, adopting the most unfavorable estimate of human nature, compelled equally to relieve the unfortunate and worthless All arẹ soon viewed through the most unfavorable medium. Contempt and hatred extinguish all sentiments of compassion, harshness and brutality are in consequence dealt out to all, How different would be the treatment of the poor when

they had a part of their own body superintending their concerns-alive to their distresses by a sentiment of fellow feeling. It would be the wish of all to console the afflicted, and to relieve the virtuous. There would be an interest also to curb the excesses of the thoughtless. The duty of the magistrate is to punish-his powers are only called into action when society has suffered an injury. A committee elected by the free choice and esteem of a parish would possess an influence of opinion, that might with admirable effect be exercised in curbing those vices which lead to crime. This operation of opinion would have a powerful effect on the whole community.

In providing for the laboring and manufacturing poor, it would ill become us to be unmindful of those brave men who fight the battles of their country. It is highly painful to see the veteran who has suffered in his country's cause begging his bread. I should propose a stoppage, to an equal amount to be made from the pay of the army and navy, and a proportionable part paid to these funds by the country. By this means they would be secure of a maintenance on the conclusion of their services, if unable to earn their livelihood. Lest I should be mistaken, I would notice that I would propose to include all mariners and others in the provision previously proposed.

There is still another class of unfortunate beings for whom provision should be made, who are punished for the sins of their parents, I mean natural children who are abandoned by their parents and left without care and protection. Strangers to those tender attentions, which imprint on the heart influences which operate on the character through life; with tempers soured, wanting education, it is not to be wondered at if these should be found amongst the most worthless members of society. To reclaim, to remedy the injuries of these unfortunates, is worthy the

generosity of a great nation, and would be at once an act of justice and munificence. The penalties, by law inflicted on the parents, I mean not to intermeddle with. When no means of maintenance can be obtained from the parents, the children, after five years of age, should be taken and educated at the national expense, the boys placed in the navy and army, to serve for a certain period. The girls to be in like wise educated, and each parish in its turn to be required to furnish proper situations to bind them out as apprentices. Thus would national morals be improved, and the happiness of many human beings be secured. What may be the number of bastards annually born I can only conjecture: it was supposed about thirty years ago the number of illegitimate children was in the proportion of one to twenty-eight of those born in wedlock: this would make the number then about nine thousand. In France, at that period, the number of bastards was considered as one in fourteen. I fear, at present, the number is greatly increased in our own country, and may be as one to fourteen, or eighteen thousand. I have recently seen it stated, that out of somewhat less than twenty-three thousand children born at Paris, eight thousand were bastards. What proportion of bastards are supported by their parents, I have no data to justify any conjecture. The education and maintenance of each child may be calculated at between eight and ten pounds; at a very early age they might be made capable of contributing something towards their own support.

There must be still some means of maintaining those who should be bereft of the means of providing for them. selves: the lunatic, the blind, and others having no provision from property, and incapable of administering to their own wants; these must be the annuitants of the pub. lic. It might be highly expedient, therefore, to bring

There

back the 43d of Elizabeth strictly to such cases. are large existing charities, which might be employed to much better purposes than what they are: the amount of these will ere long be brought under the observation of the legislature, and may form a part of future inquiries on this subject.

There will unfortunately occur instances of persons of notorious character, or convicted criminals, who being excluded from subscribing to the parish funds, may be reduced to the necessity of requiring relief: whilst the public administered to their necessities, it would be justified in fixing such marks of stigma as might operate in deterring others from following their example. To such persons badging might probably be applied with a general benefit, and could not be abused; it would therefore stand on very different grounds to what it was formerly applied.

I have omitted hitherto to advert to one most material consideration connected with this subject, I mean the laws relative to settlements; out of this has arisen an endless source of litigation and expense. By the statute of Richard II. c. 7. and that of Henry VII. c. 12. the poor are directed to abide in cities and towns where they were born or had dwelt for three years. These are the first rudiments of parish settlements.

Till the 26th of Henry VIII. c. 26. there was no compulsory method chalked out for the purpose. By the statute of Charles II. c. 12. inhabitancy, apprenticeship, a service of forty days are made to confer settlements: the act directs that all intruders may be removed by two justices of the peace unless settled on a tenement of 10 per annum. The preamble to that act is a very curious representation of the state of the country at that period. "That, whereas, by reason of some defects in the law, poor people are not restrained from going from one parish to another,