ASSOCIATION.

1. CLAIMS of the PROTESTANT ASSOCIATION on PUBLIC SUPPORT. By GEORGE HENRY WOODWARD, A.B. Price 2d., or 1s. 6d. per dozen.

2. SPEECH of J. C. COLQUHOUN, Esq., M.P., upon the Maynooth College Grant. Price 1d., or 7s. per 100.

3. The USES of the ESTABLISHED CHURCH to the PROTESTANTISM and CIVILIZATION of IRELAND. By J. C. COLQUHOUN, Esq., M.P. Price 2d., or 1s. 6d. per dozen.

4. STATEMENT of the CIRCUMSTANCES attending the PUBLICATION of the BIBLE with the RHEMISH NOTES. By the Rev. ROBERT J. M'Ghee. Price 6d., or 40s. per 100.

5. The DOCTRINES PROMULGATED by the ROMISH BISHOPS in IRELAND, A.D. 1832, touching the power of the Romish Church over Heretics, and the Restitution of Forfeited Property. By the Rev. ROBERT J. M'GHEE. Price 6d., or 40s. per 100.

6. ADDRESS of the COMMITTEE of the PROTESTANT ASSOCIATION to the PEOPLE of ENGLAND. Second Edition. Price 2d., or 12s. per 100.

7. On the OBJECT and USES of PROTESTANT ASSOCIATIONS. By J. C. COLQUHOUN, Esq., M.P. Price 2d., or 1s. 6d. per dozen.

8. ENGLAND, the FORTRESS of CHRISTIANITY. By the Rev. G. CROLY, LL.D., Rector of St. Stephen's, Walbrook. Third Edition. Price 1d., or 7s. per 100.

9. BRITISH LEGISLATURE.-On the ADMISSION of ROMAN CATHOLICS to PARLIAMENT, and their VIOLATION of their OATH. By J. E. GORDON, Esq. Price 1d., or 10s. per 100.

10. The CHURCH ESTABLISHMENT.-SPEECH of the Rev. HUGH M'NEILE, in DEFENCE of the ESTABLISHED CHURCH, at the Second Annual Meeting of the Protestant Association, at Exeter Hall, May 10, 1837. Price 2d., or 12s. per 100. 11.

A SKETCH OF POPERY. Second Edition. Price 5s. per 100, or 42s. per 1000.

12. A FEW FACTS to AWAKEN PROTESTANTS. Price 5s. per 100, or 42s. per 1000.

13. The ROMAN CATHOLIC OATH. SPEECH of the BISHOP of EXETER, on Thursday, March 1, 1838, in the House of Lords. Price 4d., or 28s. per 100.

14. LETTER to the DUKE of WELLINGTON. By the Rev. R. J. M'GHEE. Second Edition. Price 1d., or 7s. per 100. 15. The JESUITS EXPOSED. Price 2d., or 12s. per 100. FIRST ANNUAL REPORT, 1836-37. Price 6d. SECOND ANNUAL REPORT, 1837–38. Price 6d.

HANDBILLS.

1. POPERY HOSTILE to the WORD of GOD and the PEACE

of MAN. Price 1s. 9d. per 100.

2. POPERY LIKE PAGANISM. Price 1s. 9d. per 100.

3. POPERY UNCHANGED.

Price 1s. 9d. per 100.

THE PROGRESS OF POPERY.

THE frequent allusions in the public press to this most interesting and important subject appear to have excited a certain vague and undefined anxiety in the minds of the reflecting and religious portion of the community. Unfortunately, those allusions being themselves generally vague and unsatisfactory, could lead to no other and more practical result. Facts have not been sufficiently brought forward, suspicions and rumours have been substituted for them, and consequently, many who would be prepared, upon discovering real danger, to join in endeavouring to avert it, refrain from all exertions, believing the time of peril still far distant. It is to such persons we desire now to speak, with the view of calmly and temperately stating the true position and prospects of that great semi-political power, which, in former times, enthralled and debased this country. We do not purpose to enter on religious controversy, though we are deeply sensible both of its necessity and utility, nor to unveil to persons who may be already aware of them, those pernicious errors which our Protestant forefathers were wont to call "the soul-destroying heresies of Rome." Our object at present is of a different kind, though it is not, we are convinced, under existing circumstances, of inferior importance. We desire to prove that Popery, both at home and abroad, is in the possession of immense strength, and has been, and is now, marching forward with giant strides to its old ascendency; and from a proof of these facts, we wish to proceed to an endeavour to arouse all who pretend to zeal for Protestantism, to united and vigorous efforts in the cause which now peculiarly involves the continuance of our civil and religious liberties. To facts, and to facts alone, we shall appeal for a confirmation of our statements; and although the information of which we are in possession is unavoidably less extensive than we could wish, it is still enough to justify alarm and to awaken the public spirit.* If it fail altogether in doing so, we are certain that information, as complete as ever satisfied a jury, would equally fail in reanimating the torpid mind of the people ;-for proof will then be afforded that there is an indifference to the principles of Popery, and therefore a carelessness about the degree of its success. We hope,

* We principally allude to the return moved for, last session, by Lord Ashley, of the sums paid in our various Colonies to all the different religious persuasions. That return will not be ready till next year, and, consequently, much of the matter which tends to criminate the present Government is at present not available. Enough, however, we believe, is in our hands to betray their animus, and to prove the singular success of the Popish machinations abroad.

however, better things; we trust that the lamentable apathy hitherto observable was the result, not of growing laxity, but merely of temporary ignorance; and if so, nothing can be requisite to the restoration of public interest in the Protestant cause, but a fair and full declaration of the true position of parties in this country.

It is well known that the Roman Catholics of England and Scotland took very little part in the agitation which brought about the Act of 1829. After the suppression of the Rebellion in 1715, when so many Roman Catholic families in the north of England were ruined, and when all the others very properly came under the close surveillance of the Government, very little indeed was done to disturb the Hanoverian dynasty, save by the deluded but enthusiastic loyalists of the Highlands. But when the bold Rebellion of 1745 was suppressed, as the former had also been, the hopes of the House of Stuart fell altogether, and the Roman Catholics throughout Great Britain became gradually more and more attached to the reigning Sovereigns, and more and more anxious to gain confidence by displaying their loyalty and contentment. Generally, they took very little part in political strife, and were alienated almost equally from both of the great Parliamentary parties. When the measure for admitting them to the Legislature was taken up by the Whigs, they for a long time recommended themselves and their claims chiefly by refraining from all violent efforts, and from all participation in those democratic expedients and that seditious turbulence on which the Irish entirely relied. At the period of the French Revolution most of the English and Scotch Roman Catholics joined the ranks of the alarmists, and deprecated most strenuously the principles and the practices of their Irish brethren. In many counties their influence, though great, was never exerted; in some, it was given to the Tory candidates; they took very little interest, however, in the contests; they attended Court very little; they participated sparingly in the sports and expenses of other country gentlemen; and thus, while their wealth was increasing, their respectability and local influence were increasing also. Times have now altered. The Roman Catholics now see clearly their interest in the success of the Liberals, and therefore, with very few exceptions, they have thrown their weight into that scale, and have joined in the projects of Mr. O'Connell for the advancement of their political power. How great that weight is in England alone we wish now, before proceeding farther, to explain; because it has been much underrated, and because, from its having been only lately brought into use, it is not generally at all understood.

*

In the peerage the Roman Catholics number the Duke of Norfolk, the Earls of Shrewsbury, Fingall, and Newburgh; Lords Petre, Stourton, Stafford, Vaux, Arundel, Clifford, Dormer, and Lovat; besides, among the Scotch and Irish Peers who have votes in the

* It gives us great pleasure to mention these exceptions, honoris causa. We believe they are confined to Sir Clifford Constable, in Yorkshire; Sir John Gerard and Mr. Trafford, in Lancashire; and Mr. Giffard, in Staffordshire. All these gentlemen are staunch Conservatives, and from their very large properties, enjoy great influence in their respective counties.

election of representatives to the Imperial Parliament, the Earls of Traquair and Kenmare; Viscounts Gormanston, Southwell, and Frankfort; Lords Trimlestown, Louth, Dunboyne, and Ffrench. Of these, especially of the Peers of Parliament, we need scarcely add, that they include some of the most wealthy, ancient, and influential noblemen in the kingdom. Among the baronets we find the following Roman Catholics, nearly all of whom may be ranked with the richest of the class to which they belong: Sir C. Throckmorton, Sir J. Gerard, Sir T. Stanley, Sir T. Haggerston, Sir E. Blount, Sir H. Hunloke, Sir C. Wolseley, Sir H. Titchborne, Sir Clifford Constable, Sir E. Mostyn, Sir F. Vincent, Sir T. Gage, Sir H. Bedingfield, Sir B. Wrey, Sir J. Lawson, Sir J. Smythe, Sir E. Vavasour, &c.; and besides these there are many baronets of Ireland and Scotland we might mention, who profess the same religion. Again, in the list of the wealthy landed gentry of England many, very many, are Roman Catholics; and (as the following specimens will show to our readers resident in various parts of the country) some of them are among the most powerful proprietors in their respective counties. These names of opulent and ancient families are selected from a much larger catalogue now before us: Salvin, Constable Maxwell, Trafford, Giffard, Plowden, Weld, Silvertop, Blunt, Stonor, Doughty, Charlton, Canning, Eyton, Howard of Corby, Cary, Chichester, Langdale, Blundell, Standish, Dalton, Scarisbrick, Hales, Tempest, Wheble, Mornington, Lacy, Bodenham, Wright, Phillips, Digby, Best, Jones of Llanarth, Waterton, Eccleston, Stapleton, Fitzherbert, Riddell, Clavering, Aston, Talbot, Strickland, Rookwood, Walmsley, Eyre, Middleton, Scudamore, Berkley, Towneley, &c. &c. There would be no difficulty in naming several in this list and that of the baronets above, with landed property to the amount of 40,000l. a-year each, and a few with even larger incomes. It is therefore clear that the Roman Catholics of England (for to these we at present confine ourselves) have at their disposal all the means necessary to secure for their party great political importance and power. Nor are these means entirely neglected. It is true that in the House of Commons the Roman Catholics number only forty,* of whom no more than six are English members; but for the smallness of this force it is very easy to account, when it is remembered that there are many Protestants as zealous in the work of innovation as the Roman Catholics could desire; who are less liable to suspicion; and who, therefore, not only have better chances at an election, but also are in Parliament the best

As it is well that the names of these persons should be generally known, we subjoin them. English members: The Earl of Surrey, Lord Fitzalan, Messrs. Langdale, W. Stanley, Standish, and P. H. Howard. Irish members: Messrs. Archbold, Bryan, Bellew, Chester, Fitzsimon, Maher, O'Connell, M. O'Connell, M. J. O'Connell, J. O'Connell, Morgan O'Connell, R. O'Ferrall, Reddington, E. B. Roche, J. H. Talbot, H. Ball, H. W. Barron, G. S. Barry, H. Bridgman, D. Callagan, J. Power, W. Roche, R. L. Sheil, T. Wyse, O'Connor Don, M. J. Blake, R. D. Browne, A. H. Lynch, J. P. Somers, C. O'Brien, Colonel Butler, J. J. Bodkin, Sir R. Nagle, and Sir Wm. Brabazon. It is proper to add, that Lords Surrey and Fitzalan have always most honourably abstained from violating their oaths by voting on Church matters. No better condemnation of the rest could be required.

tools Popery could select. It is not difficult to understand that the influential Roman Catholics of the West Riding are as willing to support Sir George Strickland as one of their own persuasion; and it is not very marvellous that the "liberal" Roman Catholics of Northumberland support Lord Howick, who declares for the annihilation of the Irish Church, as warmly as they could possibly support any one even of their warmest Jesuits. If the votes of the pseudo-Protestant and of the avowed Roman Catholic are to be exactly the same in the House of Commons, common sense and policy dictate to the Papists a preference for the former; and while so many of these convenient persons are to be found, there is no necessity for crowding the House of Commons with men openly adhering to a religion, which, peradventure, may yet again become the object of popular alarm. But at Court, where the required work cannot be efficaciously performed by deputy, we find the Roman Catholics contrive to appear in person. The

Treasurer of the Household is a Roman Catholic, the Marchioness of Wellesley, Lady Bedingfield, and the Earl of Fingal, all of whom have been about the Court for some time, are Roman Catholics; and several others of the same kind have been placed in minor situations. Not a few places have been filled by other individuals quite as well pleasing to Popery; namely, individuals notoriously of no religion at all. Many very high offices in the State are now held either by Roman Catholics or persons of this class. In Ireland, it is well known that nearly every legal situation which has fallen vacant during the existence of the present Government, has been given to a Roman Catholic. As instances, we may mention that the Master of the Rolls, the Chief Baron of the Exchequer, the Chief Remembrancer, the Clerk of the Hanaper Office, the Attorney-General and the Solicitor-General, the Lord-Lieutenant's confidential legal adviser, are all Papists; and if as yet there are no more in similar stations, the reason is simply that there have unfortunately been very few legal vacancies. In the Colonies the same gross mal-administration of patronage prevails. The newly appointed Governor of New South Wales is Sir Maurice O'Connell, whose very name speaks volumes. But this is not all.* Popery has been advancing not only in wealth and influence, honour and official power; it has been progressing in every other direction, and by every other means. Its proselyting zeal has been rekindled; its Jesuitical arts have been

* Connected with the subject of the increase of Popish political influence, there is one topic which we cannot overlook, though it is rather a delicate one to mention; we mean the private progress made by the Roman Catholics among the leading liberal families. We are reluctant to refer to this matter, but it is necessary to do so.

It is notorious that the Duke of Leeds, the Marquis Wellesley, Lord Albemarle, Lord Kinnaird, Lord de Mauley, and many more professing Protestants, married Roman Catholics. Such, too, is the case with many of the female Protestant nobility; for instance, the Duke of Sutherland's sister married Lord Surrey; Lord Sefton's daughter married Mr. Towneley, the wealthy Lancashire Roman Catholic, &c. &c. These seem private matters, but we mention them, because they throw no little light on public ones. And then again, members of several liberal families have recently been converted, or rather perverted to Popery. We may name among others a brother of Earl Spencer, Sir Charles Wolseley, Mr. Philips, son of the late Whig member for Leicestershire, Mr. Roche, the member for Cork county, Mr. Kenelm Digby, Sir Bourcheir Wrey, and Mr. Bennett, the son of the Whig member for Wiltshire. On facts of this kind, when they accumulate, no comment is necessary.