small share towards the public expense, an most strenuous efforts for enforcing the expense arising from themselves, they re- stamp-act, and for preventing the repeal. nounced her authority, insulted her officers, Those who contended for the repeal, were and broke out into open rebellion. The divided in opinion as to the right of taxacause was very obvious. "The seditious tion: the more numerous body, of whom spirit of the colonies," said he, "owes its were the new ministry, insisted that the birth to the factions in this house. Gentle- legislature of Great Britain had an undoubtmen are careless of the consequences of ed right to tax the colonies; but relied on what they say, provided it answers the pur- the expediency of the tax in question, as ill poses of opposition. We were told we trod adapted to the condition of the colonies, and on tender ground: we were bid to expect built upon principles ruinous to the trade of disobedience. What was this but telling Great Britain: those, who denied the right the Americans to stand out against the law of taxation, were not so numerous; but -to encourage their obstinacy with the ex- they consisted of some very popular charpectation of support from hence? Let us acters. only hold out a little, they would say, our The advocates for the right of taxation friends will soon be in power." He con- took occasion to show how futile Pitt's discluded with some observations on the in- tinction was between internal and external gratitude of the Americans, after so much taxes. "Such a distinction," said they, "is had been done in their favor; and with a as false and groundless as any other that short vindication of his own character from has been made. It is granted that restricthe unjust charge of having been an enemy tions upon trade, and duties upon the ports to their trade. The impression, which such are legal, at the same time that the right of a speech must have made on every unpre- the parliament of Great Britain to lay injudiced mind, could not be effaced by all ternal taxes upon the colonies is denied. the powers of Pitt's oratory. He made a What real difference can there be in this second harangue of considerable length to pretended distinction? A tax laid in any justify the resistance of the Americans, and place is like a pebble dropt into a lake, and to apologize for the silence of his own party, making circle after circle, till the whole when the question of right had been re- surface from the centre to the circumference peatedly submitted to the consideration of is agitated: for nothing can be more evithe house. dent than that a tax laid upon tobacco either While the attention of the commons was in the ports of England or Virginia, is as very earnestly engaged in examining the much a duty laid on the inland plantations papers relative to the American troubles, of the latter, as if it were collected a hunwhich were laid before the house by his ma- dred miles up the country, on the spot where jesty's order, petitions were received from the tobacco grows. The truth is illustrated most of the commercial and manufacturing by this case. The postage was an internal towns in the kingdom, setting forth the tax on paper folded like letters, the stampgreat decay of their trade in consequence act on paper unfolded. Wherein lay the of the new laws and regulations made for difference? To allow the authority of the America; and earnestly soliciting the im- supreme legislature in the one, and to deny mediate interposition of parliament. There it in the other, must be the effect of wilful were also petitions received from the agents perverseness and flagrant inconsistency." for Virginia and Georgia, representing their In summing up these different arguments, inability to pay the stamp duty; and one their collective force was irresistibly felt. from the agent for the island of Jamaica, The most satisfactory demonstrations seemexplaining the bad effects of a similar tax ed to have been given, that protection was which had been laid on in that island by the the only true ground on which the right of assembly, but was soon suffered to expire, taxation could be founded: that the obligaon being found unequal and burdensome; tion between the colonies and the mother and suggesting the probability, that the like country, was natural and reciprocal, consistexperiment in the colonies would be attend- ing of defence on the one side, and obedied with still greater inconveniencies. ence on the other: that they must be deThough the urgency of the matter occa-pendent in all points on the parent state, or sioned the house to attend to it with un- else not belong to it at all: that the distincwearied application, and till a very late hour tion between internal and external taxes was every night; yet the nature of the inquiries, not more repugnant to common sense, than the number of petitions received, and the to facts, and to the frequent and unopposed multitude of papers and witnesses to be ex- exercise of the parliamentary authority of amined, were attended with long and un- Great Britain in the one case, as well as in avoidable delays. In the mean time there the other: and that the far greater part of were continued debates; and all the par- the people of England, who were non-electisans of the late administration made the tors, might with as much reason object to taxes, on the ground of being only virtually ture, under such circumstances, would be represented, as the inhabitants of the colo- in effect a surrender of their ancient unnies. Upon the question being put, the alienable rights to subordinate provincial aspower of the legislature of Great Britain semblies established only by prerogative, over her colonies, in all cases whatsoever, which in itself had no such powers to beand without any distinction in regard to tax-stow. ation, was confirmed and ascertained, with- "Because it appears to us, that a most esout a division in either house. sential branch of that authority, the power The grand committee, who had passed of taxation, cannot be equitably or imparthe resolutions on which the foregoing ques- tially exercised, if it does not extend itself tion was debated, had also passed another to all the members of the state, in proporfor the total repeal of the stamp-act; and tion to their respective abilities, but suffers two bills were accordingly brought in to an- a part to be exempt from a due share of swer these purposes. By the resolutions, on those burdens which the public exigencies which the former was founded, it was de- require to be imposed upon the whole: a clared that tumults and insurrections of the partiality, directly repugnant to the trust most dangerous nature had been raised and reposed by the people in every legislature, carried on in several of the colonies, in open and destructive of that confidence on which defiance of government, and in manifest all government is founded. violation of the laws and legislative authority "Because the ability of our North Ameriof the mother country; and that these tu- can colonies to bear, without inconvenience, mults and insurrections had been encourag- the proportion laid on them by the stamped and inflamed by several votes and resolu- act, appears unquestionable. Its estimated tions, which had been passed in the assem- produce of sixty thousand pounds per anblies of the said colonies, derogatory to the num, if divided amongst twelve hundred honor of government, and destructive to thousand people, being little more than onetheir legal and constitutional dependency on half the subjects of the crown in North the crown and parliament of Great Britain. America, would be only one shilling per By the bill itself, all these votes, resolutions head a-year. and orders of the American assemblies were "Because not only the right, but the exannulled and reprobated; and the ministry pediency and necessity of the supreme legishaving thereby secured, as they imagined, lature's exerting its authority to lay a genethe dependence of the colonies, and provided ral tax on the colonies, whenever the wants for the honor and dignity of Great Britain, of the public make it fitting and reasonable and its constitutional superiority over them, that all the provinces should contribute in a contended for the expediency of repealing proper proportion to the defence of the an act, which they said was injudicious, op- whole, appear undeniable. Such a general presssive, and incapable of being enforced tax could not be regularly imposed by their but by fire and sword. The late ministry own separate provincial assemblies. and their friends, who supported the new "Because the reasons assigned in the pubadministration in the debate on the question lic resolutions of the provincial assemblies, of right, opposed the repeal with considerable in the North American colonies, for their strength both of argument and numbers. disobeying the stamp-act, viz. That they But in spite of all their efforts, it passed are not represented in the parliament of upon a division by a majority of 275 to 167, Great Britain,' extends to all other laws of and was carried up to the lords by above what nature soever, which that parliament two hundred members of the house of com- has enacted, or shall enact; and may, by mons. The eclat, however, with which it the same reasoning, be extended to all perwas introduced into the upper house, did sons in this island, who do not actually vote not prevent its meeting with a strong oppo- for members of parliament: nor can we sition there also. Thirty-three lords enter- help apprehending, that the opinion of some ed a protest against it at the second read- countenance being given to such notions by ing; as twenty-eight did at the third. The the legislature itself, in consenting to this following is the substance of the chief rea- bill for the repeal of the stamp-act, may sons they assigned for their dissent, and greatly promote the contagion of a most which are the more memorable as they con- dangerous doctrine, destructive to all govtain some political predictions, that have ernment, which has spread itself over all since been too fully verified by events: our North American colonies, that the obe"Because we are of opinion, that the dience of the subject is not due to the laws total repealing of the stamp-act, while such and legislature of the realm, farther than an outrageous resistance is continued by the he, in his private judgment, shall think it colonies, will make the authority of Great conformable to the ideas he has formed of a Britain contemptible hereafter; and that free constitution. such a submission of the supreme legisla- "Because we think it no effectual guard against this danger, that the parliament has erty by the late riots. In this detail of the declared in a bill, that such notions are ill- merits of the marquis of Rockingham's adfounded; as men will look always more to ministration, it must not be forgotten that he deeds than words, and may therefore incline removed some restraints which were conto believe that the insurrections in the colo-sidered as heavy clogs on the colonial trade; nies, excited by those notions, having attained that he settled to the satisfaction of the ownthe very point at which they aimed, without ers the long-contested affair of the Canada any previous submission on their part, the bills; and that he concluded with Russia a legislature has, in fact, submitted to them, commercial treaty, which procured him the and has only more grievously injured its own unanimous thanks of the Russia company. dignity and authority, by verbally asserting CHANGES IN THE CABINET. that right which it substantially yields up BUT all these smaller claims to esteem to their opposition; and this at a time when could not supply the want of experience, dethe strength of our colonies, as well as their cision, and firmness in the more important desire of a total independence on the legis- concerns of the state. The duke of Graflature and government of their mother coun- ton, one of the secretaries, feeling the instatry, may be greatly augmented; and when bility of his colleagues, or unwilling, as he the circumstances and dispositions of the pretended, to act without Pitt, resigned in other powers of Europe may render the con- the beginning of May; and though his place test far more dangerous and formidable to was immediately filled by the duke of Richthis kingdom." mond, yet his retreat at that juncture was In the second protest, many of the same generally looked upon as a strong symptom objections were farther enforced, and some of the probable dismission of his late assonew ones added. The dissenting lords looked ciates. They did not maintain their ground upon the declaratory bill as a delusive and long after parliament was prorogued. Their nugatory affirmance of the legislative right fall is said to have been accelerated by the of Great Britain, whilst the enacting part following circumstance. After the repeal merely annulled proceedings that were ab- of the stamp-act, which the marquis and his solutely criminal. STAMP-ACT REPEALED. friends looked upon as the only method of conciliating the affections of the refractory On the eighteenth of March, two days colonies, they took into consideration the after the date of this second protest, the bill state of Canada, for which province no comfor repealing the stamp-act, as well as that plete system of government had yet been which proposed to secure the dependency formed. They conceived it necessary to of the colonies on the British crown, received supply this defect; and having drawn the the royal assent. The ministry were still outlines of a plan, preparatory to a bill for more successful in other steps which they that purpose, they submitted their sketch to took to gain popularity. They had a bill lord Northington the chancellor. He had passed for the repeal of the cider-act, and never been very cordially their friend, and for substituting in its place a new duty en- was now, perhaps, glad of a favorable opportirely different in the mode of collection. tunity of expressing his dislike. He conGeneral warrants, and the seizure of papers, demned the whole measure in the most unexcept in cases provided for by act of parlia- qualified terms of disapprobation: he even ment, were declared to be illegal, and to be went to the king, and complained to his maa breach of privilege, if executed against jesty of the unfitness of his ministers, addany member; but a bill founded on these ing that they could not go on, and that Pitt resolutions of the commons was thrown out must be sent for. In consequence of these by the lords, as unnecessary and frivolous. very plain assertions, the chancellor was The old duties upon houses and windows commissioned to confer with Pitt on the subwere abolished; and the rates were settled ject of a new arrangement. with much more equity and ease to the lower As Pitt's refusal of former offers had solely and middling ranks of the people. Two bills arisen from their not allowing him to fill all were also passed at the close of the session the departments of the state with whom he on the sixth of June, for which the friends pleased, that objection was now removed of the ministry thought they deserved some by the chancellor's assuring him, that the praise, at least from the mercantile part of king had no terms to propose; and the same the community: the one was for opening assurance was afterwards confirmed to him free ports, under certain restrictions, in dif- by the king himself, to whom he was introferent parts of the West Indies; and the duced at Richmond, on the twelfth of July. other was a law indemnifying those who had Lord Temple, who was then at Stowe, being incurred any penalties, in consequence of sent for by his majesty's order, came to the stamp-act, and requiring compensation town with all possible dispatch, and paid to be made by the American assemblies to his respects to the king. such persons as had suffered in their prop- On the morning after lord Temple had seen the king, he "received a very affec-a noble lord of approved character, and tionate letter from Pitt, then at North End, known abilities, who had last year refused Hampstead, desiring to see his lordship the very office now offered to him (lord Temthere, as his health would not permit him ple) though pressed to it in the strongest to come to town. His lordship went; and manner by the duke of Cumberland and the Pitt acquainted him, that his majesty had duke of Newcastle; and who being their been graciously pleased to send for him, to common friend, he did not doubt Pitt himself form an administration; and as he thought had in contemplation. This worthy and rehis lordship indispensable, he desired his spectable person was lord Lyttleton. At the majesty to send for him, and put him at the conclusion of this sentence, Pitt said, how head of the treasury; and that he himself can you compare him to the duke of Grafwould take the post of privy-seal. Pitt then ton, lord Shelburne, and Conway? besides, produced a list of several persons, which he continued he, I have taken the privy-seal, said he had fixed upon to go in with his and he cannot have that. Lord Temple then lordship, and which, he added, was not to mentioned the post of lord president: upon be altered. Lord Temple said, that he had which Pitt said, that could not be, for he had had the honor of a conference with his ma- engaged the presidency: but, says he, lord jesty at Richmond the evening before, and Lyttleton may have a pension. To which that he did not understand, from what pass-lord Temple immediately answered, that ed between them, that Pitt was to be abso- would never do; nor would he stain the bud lute master, and to form every part of the of his administration with an accumulation administration: if he had, he should not of pensions. It is true, Pitt vouchsafed to have given himself the trouble of coming permit lord Temple to nominate his own to Pitt upon that subject, being determined board; but at the same time insisted, that if o come in upon an equality with Pitt, in two persons of that board (T. Townshend case he was to occupy the most responsible and G. Onslow) were turned out, they should place under government: and as Pitt had have a compensation. chosen only a side-place, without any re- "Pitt next asked, what person his lordship sponsibility annexed to it, he should insist had in his thoughts for secretary of state? upon some of his friends being in the cabi- His lordship answered, lord Gower, a man net-offices with him, and in whom he could of great abilities, and whom he knew to be confide: which he thought Pitt could have equal to any Pitt had named, and of much no objection to, as he must be sensible he greater alliance; and in whom he meant and could not come in with honor, unless he had hoped to unite and conciliate a great and such nomination; nor did he desire, but that powerful party, in order to widen and Pitt should have his share of the nomination strengthen the bottom of his administration, of his friends. And his lordship added, that and to vacate even the idea of opposition; he made a sacrifice of his brother, George thereby to restore unanimity in parliament, Grenville, who, notwithstanding his being and confine every good man's attention to entirely out of place, and excluded from all the real objects of his country's welfare. connexion with the intended system, would And his lordship added, that he had never nevertheless give him (lord Temple) all the imparted his design to lord Gower, nor did assistance and support in his power: that it he know whether that noble lord would acwas an idea to conciliate all parties, which cept of it, but mentioned it now, only as a was the ground that had made Pitt's former comprehensive measure, to attain the great administration so respectable and glorious, end he wished, of restoring unanimity by a and to form upon the solid basis of union, an reconciliation of parties; that the business able and responsible administration, to brace of the nation might go on without interrupthe relaxed sinews of government, retrieve tion, and become the only business of parthe honor of the crown, and pursue the per- liament. But Pitt rejected this proposal, manent interest of the public: but that if evidently healing as it appeared, by saying, Pitt insisted upon a superior dictation, and that he had determined Conway should stay did not choose to join in a plan designed for in his present office, and that he had lord the restoration of that union, which at no Shelburne to propose for the other office, time was ever so necessary, he desired the then held by the duke of Richmond; so that conference might be broke off, and that Pitt there remained no room for lord Gower. would give himself no farther trouble about This, lord Temple said, was coming to his him, for that he would not submit to the pro- first proposition of being sole and absolute posed conditions. dictator, to which no consideration should "Pitt, however, insisted upon continuing ever induce him to submit. And therefore the conference; and asked, who those per- he insisted on ending the conference; which sons were whom his lordship intended for he did with saying,that if he had been first some of the cabinet employments? His called upon by the king, he should have conlordship answered, that one in particular was sulted Pitt's honor, with regard to the ar rangement of ministers, and have given him though he had set his face against the very an equal share in the nomination; and that same appointment, when suggested by lord he thought himself ill-treated by Pitt in his Temple. All his offers were rejected. He not observing the like conduct." " then went to the marquis of Rockingham's; but the marquis refused to see him. Rendered desperate by these rebuffs, he formed that chequered and speckled administration, of which it is impossible to give a juster, or more striking picture than in the following words of Burke: It is unnecessary to make any remarks on Pitt's behavior at this conference. He appears there divested of that dazzling lustre which his genius spread around him on all public occasions. Availing himself of the carte blanche which had been given him by the king, he spurned at every idea of equali- "He put together a piere of joinery, so ty, of union, and of healing proposals. crossly indented and whimsically dovetailed; Honor, friendship, and even the welfare of a cabinet so variously inlaid; such a piece his country, had very little weight, when of diversified Mosaic; such a tesselated they came in competition with his vanity. pavement, without cement; here a bit of But the short-lived triumph of his pride was black stone, and there a bit of white; patrifollowed by long and stinging mortifications. ots and courtiers; king's friends and repubHe fancied that his name alone would estab- licans; whigs and tories; treacherous friends lish a ministry, and that the first men in the and open enemies; that it was indeed a very kingdom would be ready at a call to enlist curious show; but utterly unsafe to touch, under his banner, and to take whatever post and unsure to stand on.-When he had ache might think proper to assign them. A complished his scheme of administration, he few experiments convinced him of his mis- was no longer a minister."-The sceptre of take. He made various offers to different absolute control, which he was so fond of persons of great weight and consideration, wielding, fell from his infirm grasp; and he with a view of detaching them from their was confined in reality to that side-place, as friends. He tampered with the duke of lord Temple called it, whence he hoped to Portland, late lord chamberlain; with Dow- have directed the operations of those who deswell, the late chancellor of the exche- stood in the foremost ranks of power and requer; and even with lord Gower, to whom sponsibility (2). he proposed the office of secretary of state, NOTES TO CHAPTER VIII. 1 Mir Jaffier, whom lord Clive] had raised to that tottering dignity in 1757, was compelled in about three years after to resign the government to his son-inlaw Mir Cossim, who had entered into a secret treaty for that purpose with the council of Calcutta. 2 The new arrangement took place on the thirtieth of July. Pitt, being then created viscount Pynsent and earl of Chat ham, received the privy-seal, Richmond: lord Cambden was made lord chancellor in the room of lord Northington, who exchanged the wool-sack for the president's chair. Many other changes were made at the same time, and soon after in all the different departments of administration; and none, perhaps, excited more surprise than the restoration of the privy-seal of Scotland to Stuart Mackenzie. |