APPENDIX C. The Peculiarities of Chronicles I and II Chronicles, taken as one, but separated from Ezra and Nehemiah to which it was originally joined as one work, is placed last in the Hebrew canon, and also last in the third division of the canon, the Kethubhim (the Writings), Hagiographa (Sacred Writings), and so stands as a sort of historical appendix to the O. T. This triple division of the Hebrew canon, Law, Prophets, Writings, is claimed by some to be based upon the time the different books were received into the canon, and so was formed progressively. This would account for the not putting Chronicles in second division with Samuel and Kings; and for placing it after and not before Ezra and Nehemiah, where it naturally belongs, in the third division. It is claimed by others that it is based upon the official status of their authors. The books written by Prophets stand in second division; those written by inspired men, not belonging to the prophetic order, in the third division. In Hebrew, the name is taken from the oft repeated phrase, “Dibhĕre Hayyâmîm" (lit. acts of days) which Jerome renders in Latin " verba dierum," and gives as equivalent in Greek chronikon." The LXX, followed by Vulgate, adopted the name ta paralei pomera," the usual interpretation of which is, "the things passed over" by Samuel and Kings. Much of the contents of Chronicles is identical with these earlier histories, but the writer does not refer to them by name, but he gives at the end of each reign a list of authorities for the recorded acts of each king of the house of David. For David, histories of Samuel the seer, Nathan the prophet, Gad the seer, I Ch. 29: 29. For Rehoboam, histories of Shemaiah the prophet, Iddo the seer, II Ch. 12: 15. For Abijah, commentary of prophet Iddo, II Ch. 13:22. For Asa, Amaziah, Ahaz, book of the kings of Judah and Israel, II Ch. 16:11, 25: 26, 26: 26. For Jotham, Josiah, Jehoiakim, book of the kings of Israel and Judah, 27: 7, 35: 27, 36: 8. For Jehoshaphat, history of Jehu the son of Hanani, which is inserted in the books of the kings of Israel, II Ch. 20: 34. For Joash, commentary of the book of kings, II Ch. 24: 27. For Uzziah, Isaiah the prophet the son of Amoz, II Ch. 26: 22. For Hezekiah, vision of Isaiah the son of Amoz, in book of kings of Judah and Israel, II Ch. 32:32. For Manasseh, words of the seers among the acts of the king of Israel, history of Hozai, (marg. the seers) II Ch. 33: 18, 19. If we examine the parallel passages in Kings, we shall find opposite these lists of many authorities that the writer of Kings cites, for his one authority, the chronicles of the kings of Judah. We shall also find that where the chronicler gives no authorities, as in the reigns of Ahaziah, Athaliah, Jehoahaz, Jehoiachin and Zedekiah, there is none cited in Kings. A fair inference from this is that, for the most part, the many authorities of Chronicles, are sections of the one authority of Kings. Again, the book of kings of Judah and Israel, and of Israel and Judah, are the union of the two books of the chronicles of the kings of Judah, and of the kings of Israel, cited separately by Kings, for the Southern and Northern kingdoms. The history of Hozai seems to be singled out as something additional (cf. II Ch. 33: 19, with ver. 18). Of this, and other similar books, containing facts not recorded in Kings, scholars like Ewald and Sayce claim that the chronicler was not confined to the writings of the canonical prophets for the sources of his history, but had also more or less contemporary documents, recent works composed in the manner of the old prophets, based on older unused writings or traditions, from which he made new and trustworthy extracts and quotations, and found new explanations and interpretations of old facts, which were suited to the special purpose and plan of his work. Although we do not know who was the author of the Chronicles, yet as like produces like, we know from the product what he was and what was his purpose in giving his supplement to the already existing histories of the Samuels and the Kings. He was an enthusiastic admirer and panegyrist of the House of David, idealising its founder and his successor Solomon in the united kingdom. After the division, he follows David's line in the Southern kingdom, recording only so much of history of Israel as threw light on that of Judah, until the Hebrew Monarchy ends in captivity and exile. Again, he was a man of sterling religious character, earnest piety, and serene faith; in all probability a Levite and musician, imbued with all the spirit, and possessed of all the lore of the priestly class. Moreover he lived in an age when the temporal power of King and State was only a memory of the past; and the Church, separate from king and state, was rehabilitating itself on the lofty ideals of past glory when it was united with them. Hence it is, that in tracing the history of the House of David, from the first gaining to the final losing of the throne, it is not the temporal and material that is most magnified, but the spiritual. In the foreground of the graphic portrayal of the greatness of David's House, is the bringing up the ark to Jerusalem, the royal preparation for the building of the Temple, its construction and dedication, its liturgical and musical services conducted by the appointed monthly classes, its sacrifices and burnt offerings performed by the priests, and the periodical and annual feasts. It is an ecclesiastical rather than a political history. Again, he was a representative embodiment of the ritualistic habit of religious thought prevailing at the date of writing. With the downfall of Jerusalem and the destruction of the Temple, the prophetical element, with its exaltation of righteousness above sacrifice, developed rapidly during the period of exile. But with the return to Jerusalem and the rebuilding of the Temple, the pendulum of religious thought swung back to the ritualistic. As the latter increased, the former decreased, until religion became the mere shell that Jesus found it. At the date of writing, the two elements were more evenly balanced, but the ritualistic was waxing and the prophetical was waning. This contemporaneous habit of thought is reproduced in the Chronicles in the very large additions to earlier histories, of the mention and description of the sacrificial and liturgical services of the Temple. A comparative analysis of the synoptic histories of the royal houses of Israel and Judah, shew that in many respects they are remarkably alike, and in many other respects they are remarkably unlike. The correspondence amounts in some cases to identity, and the disagreement in other cases amounts to contradiction. The characteristic peculiarities of the Chronicles are as follows: I The first of these peculiarities is seen in the plainly intentional omissions of the blameworthy in the history of the reigns of David and Solomon. The Chronicles, as a panegyric, can be compared to the eleventh chapter of Hebrews, where the one praiseworthy quality of faith, in the different persons mentioned, is appropriately lauded; while their many blameworthy qualities are passed over, although known to exist. To have narrated them would not only have marred the picture, but have defeated the purpose of the writer, by drawing away the attention of the readers from the one thing he was impressing upon them. So Bennet says of the Chronicles,* "Large omissions were absolutely necessary." "During the six or seven centuries that elapsed between the death of David and the chronicler, the name of David had come to have a symbolic meaning, which was largely independent of the personal character and career of the actual king. His reign had become idealised by the magic of antiquity; it was a glory of the good old times." The chronicler brings out all that was best in the history of the ancient kings of Judah, that this ideal picture of the state and its rulers might encourage and inspire to future hope and effort. The character and achievements of David and his successors were of permanent significance. The grace and favour accorded to them symbolised the Divine promise for the future, and this promise was to be realised through a son of David." I. The omission of all things said or done by others, or even themselves, that does not present them in the most favourable light, and so casts a reflection upon them. (1) The whole life of Saul prior to his downfall and death, and of David prior to his accession to the throne. He thus gets rid of all disparaging or discreditable antecedents of David, either in the relation of pursuer and pursued, or in his own conduct as outlaw, freebooter, or ally of the Philistines. (2) The seven years' reign over Judah in Hebron, with Ishbosheth as rival king over Israel, and the "long war between the house of Saul and the house of David," I Sam. 2: 1, 3: 1. The bare fact of this divided reign is told by the chronicler in the gencalogy of David, I Chron. 3:4, and in the summary of his reign, I Chron. 29: 27, but it is not in the body of his narrative, nor is the fact anywhere explained. There he is represented as coming abruptly to the throne of the whole kingdom, I Chron. II: I. (3) The confession of David at the assassination of Abner, II Sam. 3: 39. ' And I am this day weak, though anointed king; and these men the sons of Zeruiah are too hard for me: 'the Lord reward the wicked doer according to his wickedness." (4) The turning over the punishment of Joab and Shimei to Solomon, I Kings 2:5-9. This acknowledged weakness and shifting of responsibility does not present David in an enviable light. 66 (5) The taunting challenge of the Jebusites, that "only the lame and the blind" defend the walls. "which was hated of David's soul," II Sam. 5: 6-8. In its place, the chronicler inserts David's making Joab chief for first going up and smiting the Jebusites, I Chron. 11:6, cf. I Chron. II: 4-6. (6) At the siege of Ramah, Joab's boasting message, sent to David at Jerusalem, “I have fought against Rabbah, yea, I have taken the city of waters. Now therefore gather the rest of the people together, and encamp against the city, and take it: lest I take the city, and it be called after my name," II Sam. 11:27, 28, cf. I Chron. 20: 1-3. (7) The recovery of his wife, Michal, Saul's daughter, who had been taken away and given to Phatiel, II Sam. 3: 13-16. And the avenging of the Gibeonites for Saul's massacre, in putting to death the five sons of Merab, and two of Rizpah, II Sam. 21: 1-14. (8) Michael's sarcastic criticism and rebuke of David's dancing before the ark, his apt reply, and Michal's punishment, II Sam. 6: 20-23, cf. I Chron. 15:25. * W. H. Bennett, The Books of Chronicles. The Expositor's Bible. (9) Unfavourable comments, as e.g. I Kings 1:6. In explanation of Adonijah's rebellion And his father had not displeased him at any time in saying, Why hast thou done so?" 2. The omission of all immoral and sinful acts and their sad consequences. The only wrong doing of David the chronicler records is (1) carrying the ark of God upon a new cart, I Chron. 13:7, and (2) Numbering Israel, I Chron. 21: 1, 2. We can account for these two exceptions, not only because they were irreligious rather than immoral acts, but also because they were redeemed by such humble repentance and righting the wrong done, as to secure God's full forgiveness and approval; but, more than all, because there is traced back to these, the building of the Temple in mount Moriah, and the appointment of the offerings and services by the Levites and singers, which in the estimation of the chronicler, was the crowning act of the House of David. But he omits (1) The adultery with Bath-sheba, the wife of Uriah, II Sam. II: 1-5. (2) The effort to conceal his guilt, and escape its consequences by calling her husband home from the army, II Sam. 11:6-13. (3) The deliberate murder of Uriah, through instructions to Joab, by which he puts himself in the power of his powerful but unscrupulous chief, II Sam. 11:14-26. (4) The displeasure of the Lord, and through Nathan, the foretelling of the death of the child, and the retributive punishment of the sword and evil in his own house, II Sam. 12:7-14. (5) Amnon's adultery with his sister Tamar, and king David's wroth, but failure to punish. II Sam. 13: 1-21. (6) Absalom's revenge after two years, in the killing of Amnon, and his flight to Geshur, II Sam. 13: 22-37. (7) David's mourning for, but not recalling of Absalom, for three years, and then only through Joab's shrewd planning, II Sam. 13: 37-39, 14: 1-27. (8) David's recalling Absalom to Jerusalem, but not seeing his face in two years, and then only under pressure, II Sam. 14: 28-33. ` (9) Absalom's rebellion, and dishonouring David's wives, and death by Joab through disobedience of king's command, II Sam. Chapters 15-19. (10) Revolt of Israel under Sheba, and the assassination of Amasa by Joab, II Sam. 20: 1-22. (11) Adonijah's rebellion and defection of Joab and Abiathar, I Kings, 1:53. If we had only the Chronicles, we would have no intimation, much less record, of these sins of David himself or of his sons for which he was largely responsible, and which were sent of God as a merited retribution for his own guilty acts. (12) Sclomon's making affinity with Pharaoh king of Egypt, and his marriage with his daughter, I Kings 3: 1. (13) Solomon's loving many strange women of the Moabites, Ammonites, Edomites, Zidonians, and Hittites, in disobedience of God's command (Deut. 7: 1-6). The turning away his heart, when he was old, by his 700 wives and 300 concubines, so that he went after Ashtoreth, and Milcom, and built an high place for Chemosh in the mount that is before Jerusalem, and for Molech, and permitting the burning of incense and sacrifices to them, I Kings 11: 1-8. (14) God's anger with Solomon, and rending the kingdom from him, in the days of his son, giving him but one tribe, and this only for David's and Jerusalem's sake, I Kings 11:9-13. (15) The Lord's raising up the adversaries, Hadad the Edomite, Rezon of Zobah, and Jereboam the son of Nebat to whom Ahijah the Shilonite announced that God would rend the kingdom out of the hand of Solomon, and give ten tribes to him, I Kings 1: 14-40. As with David, so with Solomon, there is not a single defect, error or sin recorded in Chronicles. II The second peculiarity of the Chronicles is seen in the additions of the praiseworthy in the history of the reigns of David and Solomon. I Of moral reflections and pious comments. The first of the parallel passages is that which tells of the death of Saul. They are almost identical in the narrative, but the chronicler adds "So Saul died for his trespass which he committed against the Lord, because of the word of the Lord, which he kept not; and also for that he asked counsel of one that had a familiar spirit, to inquire thereby, and inquired not of the Lord: therefore he slew him, and turned the kingdom unto David the son of Jesse," I Chron. 10: 13, 14. This first addition reveals the animus of the writer, and the purpose of his writing, cf. I Chron. 14: 17. "And the fame of David went out into all lands: and the Lord brought the fear of him upon all nations." II Chron. 8: II. 2 The addition of words and deeds of David and Solomon, not recorded in the Samuels and Kings that magnify, honour, and exalt them. In this respect also, the Chronicles may be compared to the eleventh chapter of Hebrews. Of Abraham's offering up of Isaac, it adds accounting that God is able to raise up, even from the dead; from whence he did also in a parable receive him back," 11:19. So of Moses, "refusing to be called the son of Pharaoh's daughter; choosing rather to be evil entreated with the people of God, than to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season; accounting the reproach of Christ greater riches than the treasures of Egypt; for he looked unto the recompense of reward," 11:25-27. So the Chronicles. (1) David's bringing up the ark, I Chron. 13: 3, "for we sought not unto it in the days of Saul," 15: 13, 15. "For because ye bare it not at the first, the Lord our God made a breach upon us, for that we sought him not according to the ordinance. And the children of the Levites bare the ark of God upon their shoulders with the staves thereon, as Moses commanded according to the word of the Lord." This refers back to the frank acknowledgment of previous wrong, 15:2. "None ought to carry the ark of God but the Levites: for them hath God chosen to carry the ark of God, and to minister unto him for ever." While the writer of Samuel condenses the account into eight verses, II Sam. 6: 12-19, the chronicler gives two long chapters, 15: 1-29, 16: 1-43, telling of David's preparing a place for the ark, his sanctification of the Levites, his appointment of the singers and players on instruments, his arrangement for Levites to minister before the ark, and to celebrate and to thank and praise the Lord, and his composing of the Psalms, CV, CVI, XCVI, to be used for giving thanks unto the Lord. These additions not only greatly increase our interest in the present act, but they indissolubly link it with the future, making it the first step towards the building of the Temple. (2) David's offering at the threshing floor of Araunah. To the narrative common to both histories, the chronicler adds, I Chron. 21: 26, "and he answered him from heaven by fire upon the altar of burnt offering," 28. "At that time, when David saw that the Lord had answered him in the threshing floor of Ornan the Jebusite, then he sacrificed there." A second reason is given in verse 29, " For the tabernacle of the Lord, which Moses made in the wilderness, and the altar of burnt offering, were at that time in the high place of Gibeon, 30." But David could not go before it to inquire of God; for he was afraid of the sword of the angel of the Lord, cf. 16, 20. Thus the encouragement of fire upon the altar, and the discouragement of the feared sword of the angel of the Lord, make him decide to sacrifice there instead of Gibeon, not only for this one time in an emergency, but always; for we are told, 22: 1. "Then David said, This is the house of the Lord God, and this is the altar of burnt offering for Israel." This is confirmed, II Chron. 3: I. Then Solomon began to build the house of the 66 |