lurking within and by these, and other fuch methods, render a state long-lived, though not immortal. Yet fome phyficians have thought, that if it were practicable, to keep the feveral humours of the body in an exact equal balance of each with its oppofite, it might be immortal; and so, perhaps, would a political body, if the balance of power could be always held exactly even. But, I doubt, this is as impoffible in practice as the other.

It hath an appearance of fatality, and that the period of a ftate approacheth, when a concurrence of many circumftances, both within and without, unite towards its ruin: while the whole body of the people are either ftupidly negligent, or elfe giving in, with all their might, to thofe very practices that are working their deftruction. To fce whole bodies of men breaking a constitution, by the very fame errors that so many have been broke before: to obferve oppofite parties, who can agree in nothing else, yet firmly united in fuch measures, as muft certainly ruin their country: in fhort, to be encompaffed with the greatest dangers from without, to be torn by many virulent factions within; then to be fecure and fenfelefs, under all this, and to make it the very least of our concern: these, and fome others that might be named, appear to me to be the most likely fymptoms, in a state, of a sickness unto death.

Quod procul à nobis flectat fortuna gubernans :
Et ratio potius, quam res perfuadeat ipfa. LUCR.

There are fome conjunctures, wherein the death

or

or diffolution of government, is more lamentable in its confequences, than it would be in others. And, I think, a state can never arrive to its period, in a more deplorable crifis, than at the time when fome prince in the neighbourhood, of vast power and ambition, lies hovering, like a vulture, to devour, or, at leaft, difmember its dying carcafe; by which means, it becomes only a province or acquifition to fome mighty monarchy, without hopes of a refurrection.

I know very well, there is a fet of fanguine tempers, who deride and ridicule, in the number of fopperies, all fuch apprehenfions as these. They have it ready in their mouths, that the people of England are of a genius and temper never to admit flavery among them; and they are furnished with a great many common-places upon that fubject. But it seems to me, that fuch difcourfers do reafon upon fhort views, and a very moderate compass of thought. For I think it a great error, to count upon the genius of a nation, as a standing argument in all ages; fince there is hardly a fpot of ground in Europe, where the inhabitants have not, frequently, and entirely, changed their temper and genius. Neither can I fee any reafon, why the genius of a nation fhould be more fixed in the point of government, than in their morals, their learning, their religion, their common humour and conversation, their diet, and their complexion; which do all notoriously vary, almost in every age, and may, every one of them, have great effects upon mens notions of government.

Since the Norman conquest, the balance of power in England hath often varied, and fometimes been wholly overturned; the part which the commons had in it, (that most disputed point) in its original, progress, and extent, was, by their own confeffions, but a very inconfiderable fhare. Generally fpeaking, they have been gaining ever fince, though with frequent interruptions, and flow progrefs. The abolishing of villanage, together with the custom introduced (or permitted) among the nobles, of felling their lands in the reign of Henry VII. was a mighty addition to the power of the commons: yet, I think, a much greater happened in the time of his fucceffor, at the diffolution of the abbeys; for this turned the clergy wholly out of the fcale, who had fo long filled it; and placed the commons in their ftead; who, in a few years, became poffeffed of vaft quantities of thofe and other lands, by grant or purchase. About the middle of Q. Elizabeth's reign, I take the power between the nobles and the commons to have been in more equal balance, than it was ever before or fince. But then, or foon after, arofe a faction in England, which, under the name of puritan, began to grow popular, by moulding up their new fchemes of religion, with republican principles in government; and, gaining upon the prerogative, as well as the nobles, under feveral denominations, for the space of about fixty years, did at laft overthrow the conftitution; and, according to the ufual courfe

of

of fuch revolutions, did introduce a tyranny, first of the people, and then of a fingle perfon.

In a fhort time after, the old government was revived. But the progrefs of affairs, for almoft thirty years, under the reigns of two weak princes, * is a subject of a very different nature; when the balance was in danger to be overturned by the hands that held it, which was at last very feasonably prevented by the late revolution. However, as it is the talent of human nature, to run from one extreme to another, fo in a very few years we have made mighty leaps from prerogative heights to the depths of popularity, and, I doubt, to the very laft degree that our conflitution will bear. It were to be wifhed, that the most auguft affembly of the commons would please to form a pandect of their own power and privileges, to be confirmed by the entire legislative authority, and that in as folemn a manner (if they please) as the magna charta. But to fix one foot of their compafs wherever they think fit, and extend the other to fuch terrible lengths, without defcribing any circumference at all, is to leave us and themselves in a very uncertain ftate, and in a fort of rotation, that the author † of the VOL. II. Oceana

*Charles II. and James II.

A a

† Mr. James Harrington, fome time in the fervice of King Charles I.; after whofe death, he drew up, and printed a form of popular government, entitled, The commonwealth of Oceana: he endeavoured likewife to promote this fcheme, by public difcourses, at a nightly meeting of feveral curious gentlemen in NewPalace-yard, Westminster. This club was called the Rota; and

Mr.

Oceana never dreamed on. I believe, the most hardy tribune will not venture to affirm at prefent, that any just fears of encroachment are given us from the regal power, or the few: and, is it then impoffible to err on the other fide? How far muft we proceed, or where shall we ftop? The raging of the fea, and the madness of the people, are put together in holy writ; and it is God alone, who can fay to either, Hitherto halt thou pafs, and no further.

The balance of power in a limited state, is of fuch abfolute neceflity, that Cromwell himself, before he had perfectly confirmed his tyranny, having fome occafions for the appearance of a parliament, was forced to create and erect an entire new House of Lords, fuch as it was, for a counterpoife to the Commons. And indeed, confidering the vileness of the clay, I have fometimes wondered, that no tribune of that age durft ever venture to ask the potter, What doft thou make? But it was then about the laft act of a popular ufurpation; and fate, or Cromwell, had already prepared them for that of a single perfon.

I have been often amazed at the rude, paffionate, and mistaken results, which have, at certain times, fallen from great affemblies, both ancient and modern, and of other countries as well as our own. This gave me the opinion, I men

tioned

Mr. Henry, Nevil, one of its members, proposed to the then Houfe of Commons, that a third part of the fenate should rote out by ballot every year, and be incapable of being elected again for three years to come.

Hawkes.